石门坎文化百年兴衰

中国西南一个山村的现代性经历

 
Modernity through grassroots Lens
The Cultural Transformation of an Ethnic Community
in Southwestern China
 
 
沈红 著

Preface

The Miao in its long history of collective migration has been one of the poorest and most marginalized ethnic groups in China. Nevertheless, like the rest of the Chinese population, the Miao has not been immune to modern influences. With the penetration of Western influences in general and christianity in particular, the Stone gateway village, a community of the Flowery Miao (a branch of the Miao people) located in southwestern China, changed rapidly from an isolated ethnic group to "the cultural center of the Miao."

The monograph in English is a case study of cultural transformations in the Stone Gateway community in modern times. It will focus on the symbolic constuction and reconstruction of ethnic and national identity among the Flowery Miao as a consequence of the interactions of local traditons Christian movements, and interventions from the central government. It will start with a review of the literature on theoretical issues of multiethnic ad national identities, inherited and invented traditions,and the relationship between the central and the peripheral. It  will further document and interpret the creation and formation of ethnic and national identities of the Miao community in the stone Gateway under diverse challenges and impacts. It will also attempt to explore various strategies and systems the central government in China has adopted to shape the interethnic integration of the related ethnic groups and to build their national identity.

This monograph was drafted in English in 1999, followed by a revision for years. The monograph in chinese is second output in the same community, in which i moved the focus from idntity issues to the modern education issues. It based on a three-month fieldwork in stone Gateway in the summer of 2001 and the winter of 2002.

 In preparing these monograph, I received help from numerous people. I am particularly indebted to Professor Ralph Grillo, my supervisor at the University of Sussex, for his guidance and encouragement. Comments form Prof.Wang Deguang, Prof.Li Hanlian, Prof.Xia Guang, my colleagues in chiese Academy of Social Sciences, Prof. Norma diamond in US and Prof. Charles Burton in Canada, were extremely valuable and mad me rethink some issues discussed in my monograph. When I studied development anthropolgy for my MA program in England, I ahd opportunities to discuss with Rev. P. Kenneth Parsons, Rev. Keith Parsons, and Dr. Alison Lewis, who directed my attention to some missionary-focused articles and materials. This book is also a way to celebrate P. Kenneth Parsons' life.

I conducted my fieldwork in the Miao communityies in guizhou Province(1998,2001,2002) and Yunnan Province (1995,1996), where the considerable assistance were offered by Mr. Ma Taijiang, Mr. Du Fachun, Ms. Maojiayan, who with many villagers, teachers, students, local officials, and community leaders. I would like to write down countless names of the warmhearted people, particularly  Wang Huize, Yang zhongxin of the Weining Ethnic Middle School, Wang jiahua, Zhu Zhenghua of the Shimen township(Stone Gateway), and Mr. Yang Minguang in Guiyang, and Mr. Zhu aiguang in Kunming. I also benefited from discussions with cr. Joakim Enwall, Dr. Shen Yuan,Dr. Wng Naiqun and Dr. Shi Maoming in Beijing. I would like to extend grate thanks to Mr. Ding Jianxin, Mr.du fengbao and their colleagues of Volumes Publishing Company, who make my dream of publishing this grassroots sory to be true. Needless to say, I am solely responsible for any possible mistakes in my Writing.

Shen Hong

October, 2005

前言

一个西南山村文化版图的百年兴衰

石门坎是云贵高原近百年来最有文化活力和创造力的地区之一，是特定历史条件下，西方与东方、本土和世界文化交流的奇异花朵。我在卯岭南贴山行走，寻访那些在记忆中拼接历史碎片的人群。石门人一次次进入我的笔端，讲述和歌呼，我一次走进石门，聆听群山环抱中的空谷足音。

贫困社区在文化视野中别有风景，文献上记载多个第一

在生态版图上石门坎原本是边远洪荒之地，位于贵州接近川滇最边缘的西北角，古时被称作乌撒蛮的乌蒙山区腹地，属威宁，距县城140公里。生态恶劣、稼穑艰难；古来瘴疠之地，贫病交加，生计难；大雾阴雨、沟壑纵深，行路难。至今，乡村交通仍然羊肠细路，村民往来念旧人背马驮。石门坎《溯源碑》曰：“天荒未破，畴咨冒棘披荆，古径云封，遑恤残山剩水”。

在文化版图上石门坎曾是茅塞未开的苗族村落。苗语称石门坎为“卯岭南”，苗文写作“hmaob lis naf"，有两种解释：一说意为像岭南那么兴旺的苗族居住地；另一说为从利亚那搬迁来的苗家，二者都寄寓对好生活的向往。苗族苦难数千年，迁到黔西北、滇东北的一支称大花苗，历史上处于半农半奴隶境地。迁来石门坎时，大花苗是汉字文盲、汉语语盲和数字数盲。

石门坎近百年历史令人叹为观止：这个从物质角度观察近乎“炼狱”的地方，在文化视野中别有一番景致，这里曾经是文化“圣地”，一个蛮荒不驯的小村落，异军突起，带领苗族和周边川滇黔十多个县少数民族扫除文盲，勃兴教育，风云叱咤，成为西南苗族最高文化区。关于石门坎教育和卫生的成就，文献上记载着许多个第一：创制苗文，结束了苗族无母语文字的历史；创办乌蒙山区第一所苗民小学；建威宁县第一所中学；培养出苗族历史上第一位博士；在中国首倡和实践双语教学；开中国近代男女同校先河；倡导民间体育运动；创建乌蒙山区第一个西医医院；建中国第一所苗民医院；创办中国西部最早的麻风病院……这段历史发轫于上世纪初的一次文字创新。创制苗文，是基督教深入苗区的利器。

自古以来苗族没有文字，历史文化依靠古歌传承。英国传教士会同苗汉知识分子，潜心研究、几经失败，1905年终于为苗族创立了简明易学的拼音文字，分元音和辅间，又称小字母和大字母，小字母写在大字母上方或右侧，以小字母位置的高低来表示声调。这套文字包含常见的拉丁字母，也含自创的几何图形符号。

有趣的是，他们研究了大花苗的服装，从传统服饰纹样中获得灵感。于是一个神话开始在苗区传播：苗族以前丢失的文字现在找到，这套文字从苗族衣裙图案中重新恢复出来，正是祖先遗失的文字！民间称这套文字为“老苗文”、“石门坎苗文”，学术界称为“滇东北老苗文”或“柏格理苗文”，英语世界称之“波拉德文字”。借助于类似“绣在衣服上的史诗”般的隐喻，新创制的文字获得了苗族认同，也获得了传播力量。

苗文创制是英国知识分子、中国汉族和苗族知识分子共同智慧的结晶。从此凡到石门坎的牧师和教师，都要求熟悉苗语苗文。石门坎学校成为中国第一个倡导和实践双语教学的学校。

这套苗文用于苗族自己的日常生活和文化传承，并且帮助苗族提高了文化地位。石门坎苗文曾传遍乌蒙山区，最远传到滇南文山红河地区。平民教育帮助苗族摆脱了因文化落后遭受的民族歧视，当时，威宁苗族人口中受现代教育的人口比例超过其他少数民族，也超过汉族。

这套文字不仅得到中外语言学界肯定，而且受到苗族的热爱维护。上世纪三四十年代，苗区教育规模和教会规模扩大，引起国民党当局的不安恐慌，甚至屡屡惊动蒋介石。在行政中央授意下，贵州省政府密切监控石门，并曾计划“开发”石门坎，取缔学校、取缔老苗文传播。此动议遭到苗族知识分子抵制而未能实行。

伯格理先生的生命与苗族教育史融为一体

透过石门坎历史风云，人们看见一位英国传教士的身影。

柏格理先生(Rev. Samuel Pollard)是中华基督教循道公会西南教区牧师，身兼牧师、教师和医师多重职责。柏格理聪颖机智，富于献身精神和英雄气质。弱冠即渡海东来，22岁从英国来到中国，在西南传教近三十载，一生充满传奇曲折，石门坎是他为苗族献身的地方。

柏格理早年因家境贫寒而失学，所以非常重视教育。在主持西南的昭通布道所期间，他就开始把现代教育引入昭通。一天，来了四位风尘仆仆的贵州大花苗人，和柏建立深厚友谊。从此贫穷却虔诚的大花苗源源不断涌来，引起昭通贵族的恐慌，以为苗人要造反。柏牧师大受感动，决意深入苗疆。1904年柏格理牧师勘察地形，得到彝族安土目赠送的一片山坡，第二年基督教循道公会在石门坎开始传教兴办学校，英国牧师们离开城市举家住进简陋的“五英镑小屋”，从此生活在山民之中。

格理牧师毫无洋人架子，穿着苗民的粗麻布衣和草鞋，说地道苗话，走乡串寨时不坐轿、无保镖，与苗家同吃洋芋和荞麦饭、同宿麦草堆，不嫌弃苗家生活之苦和卫生条件之糟。他和气迎人，路遇苗民，就像遇到长者一样谦让。苗族人民不仅视他为先生、医生，还视他为可以信赖的人。由于为苗族主持公道，柏格理深受苗族人民崇敬和信任，却因此遭一些贵族的仇视，柏格理曾经被毒打致残，仅幸免一死。民间流传的中文书《苗族救星》记述这位外国人“宁愿自己以命相拼，都不愿苗民受土目的蹂躏”。

柏格理为穷人治病，传播西医科学知识，首先在乌蒙山区推广接种牛痘疫苗。他从英国引进接种疫苗技术，最终控制了当地的天花。1915年石门坎地区流行伤寒病，柏格理因护理患病的学生及村民，受到传染，他把药品留给村民，自己死于伤寒。石门坎千人痛哭，安葬先生。人们说，他是我们的，守候多日不愿离去。这位英国传教士独立于官府与土目，愿意为弱势族群鸣不平，不顾生命安危，以心传心。

柏先生的同伴们继续着他的使命，二十多年后，不远万里而来的高志华牧师也长眠于石门坎。面对苗民的苦难，用教育这文明的“圣火”来照亮贫困之路，他们是西南苗区现代文化的启蒙者。

2. 石门坎曾经是少数民族现代教育体系和乡村建设的中心地

1905年(清光绪三十一年)，石门坎创办教堂和学校，这是第一所苗民小学，也是威宁县第一所新式教育的学校。首开男女同校之先河，鼓励男女学童平等接受教育。民国时期，学校取名“光华小学”，传播教义，也按全国统一课本教学。通过宣传苗族“读书识字就不受欺侮”的道理，苗族子弟纷纷入学。

石门坎成为基督循道公会在西南地区传教、办学和推动乡村建设的大本营。1943年光华小学扩建为石门坎私立边疆民族初级中学，这是西南苗区第一所中学。以该校为中心，在川滇黔边区发展学校百余所。石门学校毕业了四千多名小学生，数百名高初中及中专生，三十多名大学毕业生，两位博士。石门办学很. 有特色，每年学校的体育运动会深受民众欢迎，以至于演变为民俗。石门坎被称为“贵州足球的摇篮”。后人赞叹，“一片荒地，极端经营，竞至崇墉栉比，差别有天地。”

石门坎成为领导一个庞大教育体系的总部，文化版图日益扩大：从一所小学发展到百余所学校，从一个小村落辐射到黔西北、滇东北、川南方圆七八百华里的地区，形成了一股不可低估的文化力量。

发生在中国西南苗疆边区的故事，其价值已经远远超出了宗教现象、教育现象本身，而是一场颇具现代性意涵的乡村建设运动。石门坎溯源碑称“文章机杼持操实业经纶，道德森林饶有民生主义”，正是石门乡村建设运动的写照。

英国牧师张道惠在西南苗区传教22年，全家人为苗族文化和社会进步尽心尽力。张牧师主持了石门的实业教育和公益事业。实业教育，如研究推广良种农业建立垦殖事业部，推广纺织业建立毛纺厂，开办公益场、储蓄社、筹建生产合作社。公益事业，如修建麻风病院、孤儿院、植树造林、修建乡村公路和赈灾救济。这些计划与2 1世纪今天各个国际组织在发展中国家推动的社区发展计划，如出一辙。在扶贫发展领域，石门坎也是乡村建设先驱。

在千年历史上，中央政府采取了变化多端的战略和体制来打造族群关系，整合中心和边缘格局，但是最终不离武力镇压和威权统治之根本。这一层策略，从“威宁”、  “昭通”、  “武定”、  “镇雄”这些西南地名上就可以清楚读出。作为结果，被挤压到边缘的少数民族比如石门坎大花苗这样的族群，越来越贫困，越来越与世隔绝，与政权疏远，所谓不知王化，没有国家意识。但是现代教育制度的嵌入，则成为历史转机，使成千上万少数苗族接受现代知识，一度超过汉族和彝族等民族，跃升为文化先锋。

许多教育家和知识分子的名字与石门坎紧紧相连，教育行为规则是前赴后继、薪火相传。那么，是什么使得苗族比其他民族更加热衷教育?获得城市教育资本的优秀学子为什么主动回乡?为什么所谓市场经济规律在这里失灵?

回到贫穷的石门坎，他们心中自有一种守持的力量。

石门坎的基督教传播和苗民教育运动提供了一个契机，推动中国西南边缘的小小村寨融入外部世界，融入中国社会剧烈的社会变迁，即便自己的本土文化后来也被“宏大历史”所撞击和消解!

创造了众多奇迹的石门，如今安在?经历了半个世纪的自然灾害和政治洗礼，许多老房子化为残砖碎瓦，许多老人消失在尘埃里。今天来石门怀古，已经难觅当年“光华校旗树黔疆”、 “齐声高唱大风泱泱”的盛况。

石门乡农村基础教育步履艰难，在普及九年义务教育的文化版图上，石门乡再度处于边缘。我们对村民进行文化程度调查，发现村寨中大部分村民都有中途退学、失学的经历，普遍没有完成小学和初中学业。一个经济基础极其薄弱的地区，经历了从文化边缘跃升到文化中心，又从文化中心跌落到文化边缘的历史。这是石门的历史，也是石门的历史性现实。

曾经开启石门的老苗文，如今安在?20世纪50年代以后，教堂式微，学校也停止讲授苗文。新苗文创制出来后，老苗文逐渐散落民间，栖身草房漏檐之下，父子相传、夫妻相传，借助于地缘和亲缘网络顽强生存。甚至在与石门坎远隔数百公里外的毕节、纳雍、武定，在千山万壑中，在苗家茅草屋里，我都遇见了老苗文的行踪。虽然给一双双黑黢黢的手呵护得发皱，给一个个沾着泥土的衣袖摩挲得变黑，那些寄托了苗族情感的文字依然面目清晰，静静注视着世界。

经历了沧海桑田，百年石门不知何时再开?

                                                                      沈  红

上篇 英文专题研究

Symbolic Construction of Ethnic Communities：

Identity Transformations of the Christian Miao in Stone Gateway

石门坎苗民的信仰变迁：社区认同的符号建构

One

Introduction：Symbolic Construction of Ethnic Identity

The Flowery Miao，the subjective group of this study，is a branch。f the Miao people，one of the many ethnic groups in China. The community inhabited by the Flowery Miao is named the Stone Gateway village，( “Shi-Men-Kan”in Chinese，literally the “stone gate threshold”). The village is in the mountainous area of the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau and east to the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau，which are “home”to over half 0f the varied ethnic minorities of China. More specifically，the village is at the junction of Yunnan and Guizhou province-60 kilometers east of Zhaotong city[1]，and 140 kilometers north of Weining county[2]，the northwest corner of Guizhou province，where hundreds of the Miao villages are located. Historically the Miao people in this area were poverty-stricken for centuries. Their situation was ignored by official documentation but attracted attention from Christian missionaries in due time.  “In these villages live a number of people who have been for generations landless, almost moneyless，with no books，no written characters，no schools，”and almost no intermarriages with other ethnic groups (Pollard，1919：44). In the early part of the 20th century and within twenty years，through a series of quiet Christian movements，the Stone Gateway was dramatically transformed from an isolated rural community to the  “cultural center of the Miao” and the headquarters of the United Methodist Mission in Southwest China. It was then called  “the little Hong Kong”(Yang，1979：24)and “the Miao’s holy place”(Zhang，1992：258). Therefore，Stone Gateway，by no means significant in geographic terms，became a magnificent testing ground where local traditions and global factors，Chinese and Western cultures interacted and intermingled. After nearly a century of social vicissitudes and political turmoil，however，Stone Gateway reverted to an  “underdeveloped” community again.

The situation of the Christian Miao at Stone Gateway was perceived differently from different perspectives. From the perspective of the early Christian missionaries，for instance，the Christian Miao served as good example of missionaries' success in extending the influence of Christianity in the so-called “unknown China”[3]. On the other hand，for the local and central governments in China as well as for some indigenous intellectuals，the Christian Miao symbolized Western imperialism，and cultural imperialism of Western powers in particular. In addition，cultural anthropologists would be  more  interested  in the deconstruction  and  reconstruction  of ethnic  and  national identities in the interactions between  different cultures  as well between culture and society(Diamond，1996；Schein，2000). Moreover，studies in cultural anthropology suggested China was not a culturally homogenous society，as conventionally conceived  “China’s identity has had to be continually crafted out of heterogeneity and that cultural others have played a variety of parts in this productive endeavor”(Schein，2000：3).

This monograph focuses on the identity issue in relation to the Christian Miao from the perspective of cultural anthropology. Apparently，three types of relationships are crucial to the formation and re-formation of the ethnic and national identities of the Christian Miao，and these relationships unfolded around three axes：

First，the axis of external and internal construction of ethnic and national identities. In general，collective identities are shaped by both internal/ingroup and external/outgroup forces. In the case of national identity，for example，sense of belonging is often aroused and strengthened in interstate or international relationships. When a nation faces foreign hostility，invasion or even occupation，the national identity of its people is crucial to the very survival of the nation and can become a powerful weapon in defending the nation. On the other hand，national identity can be cultivated through efforts within the nation，such as institutionalization, symbolization，reinvention of traditions，all(1 appealing to emotions. Collective identity is “cultural artifacts of a particular kind”(Anderson，1991：4). In this monograph I will discuss，in the case of the Christian Miao，how ethnic and national identities are constructed from both within and without, and how symbolic construction proceeds under the influence of both external and internal forces. Second，the axis of center and periphery. The binary concepts of “center’and periphery”have broad meanings in social relationships.  “operating along various axes and at many different levels”(Grill~，1 980：1). Historically，ethnic minorities are often marginal and marginalized. The situation of the Christian Miao was more complicated.

On the one hand，the Christian Miao，like the rest of the Miao people or like any other ethnic minorities in China，was at the periphery-geographically or otherwise. On the other，the collective conversion to Christianity of the Christian Miao not only distinguished its members from other Miao people，but established itself as the cultural center of the region in that particular period of time. Therefore，the Christian Miao provides an interesting case for the center-periphery relationship where collective identity is concerned. Where did the Christian Miao stand in the middle 0f various cultural and social influences? And how was the collective identity of the Christian Miao formed? This study will focus on the process of symbolic construction from the peripheral and from grassroots. Third，the axis of inherited and invented traditions. Tradition，symbolic tradition in particular，is at the very core of the retention and construction of collective identities. Tradition is not simply something in the past or something static；instead，tradition is a dynamic process-it constantly renews and updates itself. In other words，tradition is both inherited and invented. This study will explore how the Christian Miao balanced inherited and invented traditions. and how the members of the Christian Miao affirmed and reaffirmed their ethnic identity in the mixture of various，and often conflicting cultural influences.

The above three axes and their relation to the development of the collective identity of the Christian Miao will be elaborated in the following chapters. The remaining of this chapter will review how some fundamental issues concerning these axes are addressed in theoretical terms in previous studies. Furthermore，some hypotheses with regard to how these axes are substantiated in the case of the Christian Miao will be tentatively proposed. Chapter Two will briefly describe the Miao's social position and collective identity in the general context of Chinese history. Chapter Three will illustrate what changes the introduction of Christianity into the Stone Gateway village had brought to its social life. Chapter Four will focus on how the "patrimonial" identity was deconstructed by  “God” identity in the Miao villages，and how new symbols were embedded in the Miao's tradition and identity. Finally，Chapter Five will provide a structural analysis on how the Christian movement and other factors shaped the collective identities of the Flowery Miao at different levels.

Nationality and Ethnicity

China is a nation of many ethnic groups(in addition to the Han. 55 ethnic groups or minorities，comprising 8％of China's total population). Therefore，the relationships between nationality and ethnicity，between the Han Chinese and other Chinese，and Nation. according to the definition by Anderson，is “an imaged political community and imaged as both inherently limited and sovereign"(1991:6). In multinational states，state-making entails more complex processes than nation-building. The polity and ruling culture have to deal with the challenge of pluralism on the one hand，and make the trade-off between the different  national  constructions on the  other. Pluralism is a challenge for many countries. Pluralism produces a social situation in which no single worldview holds a monopoly. For instance，historic religions were characteristically　monolithic. Opposing views were absorbed，suppressed or segregated. Pluralism leads to　toleration of all religions and competing worldviews，the disintegration of a widely shared　conception of order that may undermine the process of decision making.   “Instability of sources of legitimacy”produces both the development of minority and increasingly decentralized political authority. I suggest the national belonging could be grouped into　the following three levels of identities.

  A. Ethnic-national Cohesion. Joseph Stalin's definition of nationality or ethnic group　has been officially received among scholars in the People's Republic of China since the　1950s. According to Stalin， “a nation is a historically evolved，stable community of　language，territory，economic life and psychological make-up manifested in a community of culture”(Stalin，1912). Ethnic identity，in Hobsbawm's words，both refers to a sense of common identity of shared descent and the possession of common attributes，usually of culture and language，which leads to the connection of ethnicity to polity. This is the ethnic model of identity，which emphasizes the desire to preserve a cultural heritage.

Nations are constructed from above，but can not be understood unless also analyzed from below”(Hobsbawm，1990：10).

B. Nation-state Construction. Nation is considered as “ethnicization of the polity”，whereas state is considered as “politicization of ethnicity"(Grillo，1980：7). National identity is extremely important for the nation-state. Nation-state "attempt to construct nations from what might be highly heterogeneous collection of citizens".  “Ethnicization involves the construction and transmission of a strong sense of common identity”(Hobsbawm，1 990：10). Ethnicity and nation may both refer to a sense of common identity and the possession of common attributes, culture and language. The nation-state，in particular，highlights the connection of ethnicity to politics，the former being a cultural resource for the latter.

C. Inter-ethnic Integration. For a country which contains many distinguished ethnic groups and cultural others，the establishment of national belonging couldn't ignore the process of inter-ethnic integration. This could be，as this book suggests，a complicate involvement for ethnic relationships，in particular as those ethnic groups are located at a hierarchy entitlement system.

Historically，China has been a polytechnic nation. The Chinese term for the nation-state is Guo-Jia，a two-character word that combines two conceptions：state and family. The notable fact，emerging from Chinese history，is that by the beginning of the era of written history，the Chinese people had "already achieved a degree of cultural homogeneity and isolated continuity hard to match elsewhere in the world"(Fairbank, 1998：45).  “It would be an error for us today，so long accustomed to the modern sentiment of nationalism，to  imagine  ancient  China  as  an  embryonic  nation-state. ”Rather, China  should  be  seen  as  a   “complete  civilization  comparable to Western Christendom，within which nation-states like France and England became political subunits that shared their common European culture"(ibid.). The state was the central  power in Chinese society from the start，and rites，morality and indoctrination have always been considered as means of governmence in China.

    China has long been incorporated into an entity by many different ethnic groups，who came into contact with the Chinese nation-state. The majority of the Chinese are the Han，who now make up about 92 percent of China's total population. The Han originated over two thousand years ago during the Han Dynasty. The Han，however, was not of a single origin，and Chinese culture was not a creation by the Han alone. The unification of all those ethnic groups into the Chinese nation was a gradual process that took thousands of years. As consequence of this process，there are ethnic distinguishes among these population，which Chinese government divided into 56 minority nationalities in post-1950 era. The notion of 56 ethnic groups is a current official version of Chinese, ethnic constitution. Ethnic groups in Chinese are called   “ethnic minorities”，because of their relatively smaller populations.

     Nevertheless，ethnic groups，being a “mediator entity”，as I term it，lie in between the state，what I label   “macro entity”，and village community or "micro entity". In Anderson's  words，  many “old  nations”，once thought  fully  consolidated, find themselves challenged by "sub"-nationalism within their borders(1991：3). In the past millennium，the Chinese central governments usually adopted the following strategies to control the whole country with many  ethnic minorities  and  sub-state  political entities.

· “Mobile-official System”

　　 “Running-official System”，the “liu-guan System”in Chinese，was a system to directly rule the ethnic communities the same way as ruling the Han Chinese areas. The people had to follow the unified laws，to register，and to pay the fixed taxes to the central government. This strategy was stimulated by strong desires to establish and maintain centralized state. The officials，very often the Han and sometimes the “native” people, were appointed and run by the central government，instead of the hereditary principle. From the 13th century to the 18th century，the central governments imposed the Running-official System，instead of the Native-official System，in Southwest China. This was known as the political strategy of “gai-tu-gui-liu”, which marked the turning point of ethnic policies in China.

· “Native-official System”

  "Native　official System"， “Tu-si[4]  System”in Chinese，was a ruling system which complemented and was lead by the “tied-up”strategy of the Chinese governments. The central  government appointed the local governors  amongst the  upper. status  ethnic groups and gave legal titles to them，aiming at controlling ethnic regions through the headmen of ethnic groups themselves. In the past of Guizhou and Yunnan. Tu-si came from Yi nationality，but they controlled over territory that included other nationalities such as Miao.  Because the power was hereditary，the native-officials usually maintained the old models and old institutions for ruling the people. As Hobsbawm points out， “adaptation took place for old uses in new conditions and by using old models for new purposes. Old institutions with established functions，references to the past and ritual idioms and practices might need to adapt in this way”(1983：5). The Native-official System lasted for centuries in China.

· “Tribute System”

  The Tribute System was　"a reciprocal foreign relationship between superior and inferior，comparable to the Three Bonds that kept China's domestic society in order. Since presentation of tribute offering was normally reciprocated by lavish gifts from the emperor，accepting China's supremacy was materially worth while"(Fairbank：l12-113). As in segmentary states，the Tribute System made multinational states into "fragile structures of great flexibility"(Grillo，1998：33). The Tribute System bridged a relationship，which was loose and relatively autonomous，between the central government and the ethnic groups. The people did not have to follow the  “national" laws，no registration，and no fixed taxes to the central government. The tributes from ethnic minorities，in many ways symbolic ones，were not on an annual base or even very frequent. Before the 17th century，the Native-official System and the Tribute System coexisted in Southwest China.

  The three systems had been coexisting and acted as three strategic circles of the old Chinese state，covering the range from the central to in the peripheral areas. The boundaries of the circles were movable and impermanent. The unification of multiethnic China was brought about by the assimilation strategy of expanding the “Mobile-official System”to the other circles，for example，the policy of “gai-tu-gut-liu”led a process in which the "Native-official System" was transformed into the “Running-official System". It can be seen as the strategy for  “politicization of ethnicity”, while allowing the self-government of the "Native-official System  “and "Tribute System" were more likely the strategy of "ethnicization of the polity". Which strategy was adopted often depended on many factors，such as power balance between the center and the periphery，population pressure，resource conflicts and others，that I will discuss in more detail below.

Center and Periphery

  The second axis in this study，the center and the periphery，as mentioned above，have been operating along various axes and at many different levels. In the literature about it，two groups of arguments are noticeable. First，the center-and-periphery relationship is fitted into the notion of dominant-and-subordinate. Modern western states have been built up on the basis of  “core” ethnics，whose elites and monarchs forged strong states，which then incorporated surrounding minority populations.  “In the eastern European cases，there was a dominant ethnic around which the state was constructed，but the territory of the state included a number of significant 'peripheral' ethnics. This ‘mosaic’ of　 “dominant-and-subordinate central-and-periphery ethnic relations has formed the historical background to the rise of the national state in much of Europe，but it can also be found outside"(Smith，1995：6 1). Second，the central and peripheral ethnic groups have similar or repeatable structures. Based on the findings in the segmentary states in Zimbabwe，central and peripheral authorities reflect the same model. There was repetition of center-periphery relations at each level(Southall，1988：52. quoted from Grillo，1 998：33-34). In the context of Chinese society and its multiethnic history，the first point may be proper，but the second point is questionable.

  The term China， "Zhong-Guo" in Chinese，is the expression of "sinocentrism" which means "Middle Kingdom" (Anderson，1 991-13)， "the central state" or "nation-state in the center". The Chinese imagination and definition of center-periphery nexus, was that "the superiority of Zhong-Guo…in 'wen'(culture and civilization) would inevitably dominate the mere military violence ('wu') of the Inner Asian tribes"(Fairbank：112). This could be done by requiring the non-Han ethnic chieftains to bow down before the emperor. The state of China began by ruling the Central Plain in North China. Some Chinese historians depicted ancient China as a "cultural island" surrounded by a sea of “barbarians”who were lacking in the “civilized qualities of Chinese culture”(Fairbank：44).  “Barbarians”had been a basic category for the non-Hanin the political system from the very beginning.

  In China, hese several types of relations were combined and interlocked together to emphasize the identity differences between the Han and the non-Han peoples，which form the notion of “Zhong-Guo”(China). Basically, the Chinese notion of state includes two kinds of fundamental meanings. One is “under Heaven”，because the whole country ideologically belongs to the emperor，the son of Heaven. This is the strong link between political nexus and ancestor lineage. Another is the center-periphery- relationship. The center-periphery relationship in Chinese cultural history is generalized by Xu Xinjian as “the structure of one center and four directions”(1 992：8-14). Taking the Han ethnic culture and polity as the center or the core，the non-Han cultures were assumed to be the outsides or the periphery. In the early literature，the non-Han ethnic peoples were given generic names in the classics and histories： "Yi", barbarians on the east,  "Man" barbarians on the south，"Rong" barbarians on the west and "Di" barbarians on the north. Thus in official discourses，the non-Han ethnic groups had been generally designated by central governments as barbarians，wherever they lived or migrated to and from. Considering the symbiosis between culture and temporal power, subservience to the dynastic state required acceptance of the rituals and cosmology that gave it Heaven's mandate to rule over mankind. Non-acceptance and an attitude of diversity of this politicized culture left one out of Zhong-Guo.

  The official discourses are also reflected in terms of the language order. Anderson pointed to the links of the older communities' confidence in the unique sacredness of their language to the ideas about admission to membership.  “Chinese mandarins looked with approval on barbarians who painfully learned to paint Middle Kingdom ideograms”(1991：13). If the language order was compared with the three systems or three strategic circles for the Chinese state，some connections present themselves. People were considered "barbarians" whether they were already "full absorption", "halfway to full absorption" or not. 　"Half-civilized was vastly better than barbarians"(ibid). Borrowing from Anderson's conceptions, I put the pattern of the center-periphery relationships as follows.

  Some recent researches，like Durum's works on culture，power nexus and state，have made a contribution to an increasing amount of work on modern Chinese nationalism. Most of the ethnography and relevant researches，however，were done in North China and East China in villages，small towns or urban zones. They are part of the "center" and should be read in the context of the "macro-tradition"，but not be generalized an the situation of the “periphery”. In Chinese history，the assertion of central cultural superiority over the surrounding peoples has designated as "barbarians" those peoples who did not acknowledge the central government's supremacy，nor the shifts of dynasties.

Identity and Invented Traditions

   The term "invented traditions" includes both  “traditions” actually invented, constructed and formally instituted and "those emerging in a less easily traceable manner within a brief and dateable period -a matter of a few years perhaps- and establishing themselves with great rapidity"(Hobsbawm，1983：1).  "It is evident that not all of them are equally permanent，but it is their appearance and establishment rather than their survival which is our primary concern"(ibid). So the length of traditions is not the determinative indicator to justify their importance. This can be used for understanding the Christian movement in Miao history.

   It is common to use ancient materials to construct invented traditions.  “A large store of such materials is accumulated in the past of any society，and an elaborate language of symbolic practice and communication is always available. Sometimes new traditions could be readily grafted on old ones，sometimes they could be devised by borrowing from the well-supplied warehouse of official ritual，symbolism and moral exhortation-religion and princely pomp，folklore and freemasonry”(Hobsbawm，1983：6-14). Whatever historic or other continuities are embedded in the modern concept of nation and multination，as Hobsbawm mentions， “these very concepts themselves must include a constructed” or invented “component”（ibid：6-14). There are many comparisons　that could be made with missionaries in Africa and perhaps Latin America where some Catholic missions believing in “liberation theology”　have supported indigenous　peoples，such as the work of Terence Ranger on the invention of tribe in Zimbabwe(1983：118-150). It becomes a collective symbol of their social selves(Cohen，1985：108-114). Christian culture in this sense could supply rich sources of identity，which　provided the collective symbol for people to promote their social selves and belongings.

   Did Christian culture in the Miao community of Stone Gateway provide the "seeds" of identity transformation? In Geertz's functional definition of religion, which religion does for the individual and social group is “a system of symbol”[5].  Christianity is a system of Western symbols，Which is quite different from the Miao's original symbols. When the two systems meet in the same community, cultural interaction occurs and leads to complex processes: replacement, hybridization, or others. The new comer acts to establish powerful moods and motivations in people by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence. It is associated with such relatively liberal philosophies as multiculturalism and hybridity and has produced varieties of religious and nationalist bases. As Ranger pointed out，it is "as very human and often constructive response to socio-economic change， a response however which now needs to be replaced by the development of other kinds of consciousness in a period of even sharper transformation and contradiction" (Ranger，1983：146). The case of Stone Gateway could illustrate how identity construction with  cultural drift actually emerged， and how an old identity functioned. These questions will be further elaborated on in the following chapters.

Two

The Miao Identity in the History of China

  The Miao is one of the oldest ethnic groups in China，whose origins can be traced back to more than 4,000 years ago. According to the Fourth Census in 1990，the number of the Miao living within China was 7.4 million，ranking as the fifth largest among all the Chinese ethnic minorities(State Statistic Bureau，1998). Historically，Miao people was a migratory ethnic group，who moved from the lowland regions to the mountain regions，from the northeast to the southwest. In the 1990s the overseas Miao population had increased to around one million, who mainly live in Southeast Asia: Vietnam，Laos, Thailand and Burma，and other pans of the world，such as the US，France，French Guiana and Australia[6].  Thus the population of Miao approximates 9 million in total.

   The ideogram for "Miao" in Chinese is written “苗”，which represents a "seedling" or "young plant" above a "field", therefore signifies "growing shoots" or "green harvest". In China the Miao use as their own self-designation，as do other people to name this ethnic people.  "Miao" has been the name for them in Chinese official history for a long time, while the terms "Hmong" And "Meo" have been used by the non-Chinese Miao in Thai，Laotian，Vietnamese，and some other sources. Divided，according to the color of their dress，they called themselves Hei(Black) Miao，Bai(White) Miao，Hong(Red) Miao，Hua(Flowery) Miao，Green(Qing) Miao, etc. Correspondingly，the Miao language varies area by area，and consists of 30-40 dialects，belonging to the Miao branch of the Miao-Yao language family. There was no unified written script until the 1950s，when it was classified into three main dialects(Long etc. ，1985：4-14). Table I and Figure I show the concentration of Miao people in different names and titles. The diversity of the Miao culture-customs and languages-can be seen in the context of Chinese history.

The Miao Identity before the 20th Century

   I do not intend to present a detailed history of the Miao. In order to describe the situation of their identity in the past，however，some historical facts need to be understood in the context of the Miao culture as well as the Chinese culture in general.

◆The Migration History of the Miao

   Both in oral history and ancient Chinese literature. the Miao are said to have a common ancestor，chieftain Chiyou，who are traced back around 5,000 years ago. The ancestors of Miao，affiliated with a tribal alliance known as the “Jiu. Li”(Nine Lis)，lived in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, and in the middle and lower valleys of the Yangtze River，these being the economic，cultural and political center zone of China. The name of the head of this tribe has been handed down as Chiyou. Thus，as chief of an ethnic group considered inferior，Chiyou was falsely accused of being a thorough villain. Chiyou awed the world by being the first to forge armor and weapons. He once routed Emperor Tan's tribe, which had expanded eastward from the western Loess Plateau and conquered all his territories. The Jiu-Li alliance came into contact with the Yellow Emperor's tribal alliance.  Later on, an inter-tribal war at Zhulu[7] broke out between them， ending with the Jiu-Li's defeat. Chiyou was beheaded. After that the majority of the original Miao were compelled to migrate on a vast scale southward to the middle and lower valleys of the Yangtze River. The Yellow Emperor was considered the ancestor of the Han ethnic group，while Chiyou was said to be that of the Miao and other southwest ethnic groups. The failures of interethnic wars on the part of the Miao caused several large-scale migrations in the earl) history，the Miao people have been subjected to constant migration in varying degrees. Later on， they were forced by the Han Chinese governments toward the south and the west and to take to the mountains，right down to what is how a wide area in Hunan, Sichuan, Guizhou, Guangxi, and Yunnan provinces(Long etc. ，1985：Zhang，1992,WU，1998).

  From the Ming Dynasty (the 14th century) onward，the Chinese population increased quickly. The Han people progressively expanded their territories in the areas inhabited by the Miao，driven by the need to solve the problems of population pressure and land/resource shortage. So interethnic wars occurred frequently between the Han，the Miao and other ethnic groups，and restricted their development. All instances of warfare with other nationalities ended in failure for the Miao. Thus，a tragic continuity was formed and enacted time and time again as follows.

                 exploration→→war→→failure→→migration

  What did the Southwest areas where they migrated to look like? This is a fractured and eroded "plateau" that slopes down gradually from the Tibetan plateau，where the landscape is a region of great beauty, as well as of cultural diversity. Broken by mountains and gorges，rivers and streams，it is a land of elaborately terraced hills and valleys. However, the ecological conditions were extremely poor. The Miao had migrated to the mountain area.

·Titles in Official Literature

   In official literature，according to the "Shu Jing"，the oldest book of history in Chinese，the Miao were strongly entrenched four thousand years ago，and referred to as "Three Miao" in the Spring and Autumn and Warring State Periods. The term “Three Miao”needs to be understood as a more general plural number. It was used for designating all indigenous group living in Southern area. At that time the Miao people lived in the basin/valley of the Yangtze River. By the 12th century，the general term "Miao" was changed to the humiliating name of "Nan-Man"(Southern Barbarians)， which designated all the non-Han populations. During the Tang and Song Dynasties(from the 7th to the 13th Century)，some official literature began to modify the discourse of generalization which defined all the Miao as  “Man” into that which defined all the 'Man' or minority ethnic groups as Miao. Between the 17th and 18th centuries，this same term Miao took on a broader sense in its turn to include all the non-Han Chinese populations of the Southwest，the Miao being the most well-known. Very often， the two words are combined together in expressions such as "Miao-Man" or "Man-Miao".  The reasons lie in the facts that on the one hand，Miao became a symbolic title for the non-Han population (Wu，1998：24). On the other hand，Chinese governments were slow in discovering with whom they were dealing.

·The  “Tied-up”　Control Strategy

   As mentioned above，the Chinese central governments adopted three main policies to control many ethnic minorities and sub-state political entities into three circles. Most of the Miao people lived in the periphery areas which were classified as the "tied-up districts" And "attached states". Politically, the Miao was a marginalized ethnic group in any circles，whereas certain parts of them lived outside the three circles. These were called “Sheng Miao”in the official Chinese literature. The “sheng Miao”，  “untamed Miao” or  “uncooked Miao” in Chinese, means that they lived in very remote areas where they were out of reach by the central governments so that they paid neither food nor labor taxes to the administrative officers. From the 14th to the 19th century， through many times of interethnic wars(land or resource wars，too)，the Han and other strong ethnic powers occupied the Miao lands and communities. Most of the Miao were forced to become "shu Miao", i.e. "tamed Miao" or "cooked Miao" who had to pay taxes and services to the government(Long etc. ，1985：40-79). Since the Miao lived in the "tied-up districts" And "attached states", they were controlled by the "tied-up" Power, which was to a certain extent independent.

   In the last dynasty of traditional China, the Qing emperor brought all the southwest area under the imperial control. In exchange of tendering allegiance to the Qing emperor，the imperial rulers left the aboriginal chiefs most of their power and nearly all of their privileges.  Some aboriginal areas, such as the Yi(the Nosu) ethnic group, were actually independent. The Yi had benefited from the strategy of the "Tribute System" and maintained a feudal system in their  “segmented state”.  In the district surrounding Stone Gateway，the "tu-si" or "tu-mu" (the Yi ethnic chiefs or landlords)，whose power relied on the feudal system，owned a large area of land. There existed on the Yi lands a large number of poor Han people and many non-Han aborigines. Among these latter were the Hua Miao(or Flowery Miao)，one of the poorest branches of the Miao. As landless people，they were not the personal property of the chiefs but had to work for the Yi chiefs in a slave-like way. In a radius of one hundred miles around Zhaotong City there are five hundred villages of Flowery Miao. In these villages live a number of people who have been for generations "landless，almost moneyless，with no books", as Pollard(1919：44) described them.

  Under the ethnic and political forces，the Miao had kept migrating southward. Around 150 years ago some of them were transnational migrants and moved into Southeast Asia， where they settled in mountain areas of northern Vietnam, Laos, Burma and Thailand (Mace Goldfard，1982：6).  These overseas Chinese were named "Hong"， "Moe"，"mountain tribes" or "hill-tribe people".

 The Miao Identity in the 20th Century

  In the first half of the 20th century，there had been fundamental transformations in China，from political nexus to social customs.  Some ethnographic research on the social history of the Pearl River delta (Faure&Siu，1995) "casts light on the way in which the Chinese state and society have blended and interacted at the local level".  Meanwhile，the picture of Chinese nationalism in north China was drawn by Duara(1995) who writes about the neglected provincial and federal aspects in the 1920s. These works create a web of common practices about the nation-building process. None the less，it should not be ignored that the ethnic perspectives go beyond their local specificity.

  How was the Miao's situation in this “nation-state”in the first half of the 20th  century? After the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 19l l，there was a change in attitude toward ethnic minorities inhabiting China's borderlands. The focus of the policies for the minority areas was no longer on pure control. Some leading Chinese intellectuals had been strongly influenced by the Western notion of nationalism. In order to achieve national unity，the Guomindang(Chinese Nationalist Party)  government considered ethnic policies as a  “Republic of Five policies Republic Nationalities”. Officially，the Chinese Republic highlighted the five nationalities：the Han，the Mongols，the Manzu(or the Manchu)，the Tibetans and the Hui(Muslims). Sun Yat-sen，the president，explained the reason for the name because  “there exists a certain racial distinction that distorts the meaning of a single republic. We must facilitate the dying out of all the names of individual peoples inhabiting China[8]. ” The policy interpreted by Sun is establishing the multinational state on a principle of relative pluralism. But Chiang Kai-shek，one of Sun Yat-sen’s followers， stated that the various people inhabiting China actually belong to the same race and that the present differences were due only to differences in religion and geographical conditions(Enwall 1994：10). Thus the assimilation’s policy dominated.

  The social reality，however，was quite different from the official discourse on ethnic  relationships. In the early half of the 20th century，China as a whole suffered from intensive foreign encroachments and civil wars. Foreign imperialists and local warlords coexisted. A number of local warlords emerged and claimed to be independent. With tangled warfare，these warlords scaled up localized military powers and exercised military control. With no means of livelihood，many people had to flee from calamities as soon as the warfare occurred. Although the central government had desired to bring the southern ethnic minorities under regular administration, the tangled warfare made it impossible. When this policy was implemented，however，in many areas the earlier officials received the new posts，and very little was changed in essence. Then the ethnic minorities in Southwest China were actually under a chaotic political control，instead of the administration of a  “nation-state”.

The Miao situation varied from area to area. In Hunan and Hubei provinces，which was more likely called the  “shuMiao” area. the Miao were largely involved in civil wars and nationalist revolutions，and to some extent, the introduction of capitalization(Long etc. ，1985：206-225). In Yunnan and Guizhou provinces，where the  “sheng Miao” were the majority，people lived outside the mainstream of the political life of a “nation-state”. In the area surrounding Stone Gateway，the Miao lived in isolated villages in mountainous areas and lived in misery. They were ruled by local officials and exploited by the Han or the Yi landlords. Even after the start of the ruling power of the Republic of China in 1912. the Yi  “tu-si” and  “tu-mu” partly kept their independence. Before the Christian movement a majority of the Miao was  “illiterate” in official discourse. A few Miao learnt to use the Chinese writing. For instance within 20,000 of the Miao people in Weining county at the turn of the 20th century，there was only one of the Miao who had been  “educated” at a Chinese primary school for a couple of years(Zhang，1992：93，180). It provides evidence of the impact of old Chinese “civilization”policies on ethnic minorities.

In 1949，ethnic groups were in various stages of socio-economic development. More than 30 ethnic groups, totaling some 30 million people, were thought to be about on a par with the Han. Others were regarded comparatively backward to varying degrees. Since the 1950s the new central government have promised them political rights equal to the Han，and have established regional autonomies to manage their own internal affairs in accordance with their ethic characteristics. Those organs of self-government now include five at the provincial level，30 at the prefectural and many more at county levels. The vast areas inhabited by the minority nationalities are rich in resources for development. The minority nationalities live mainly in western China; while a small number live in the north and on island off the southeastern coast.

The Miao’s migration southward was slow down and stopped when lengthy civil wars were ended. In the social context of the 1950s，the land reform redistributed the land tenure and made it possible for the Miao people own their lands，even if the quality of the soil was not so good. In particular，the nation-wide household system registration was established，which fixed habitations on fixed lands so as to restrict mobility freely from area to area. In terms of population，the Miao have increased fast and ranked as one of the largest ethnic nationalities in China. Based on the data of the national census in 1953 and 2000，the domestic Miao population climbed from 2.5 million to 8.9 million[9].

Because the increasing ethnic people are able to access educational facilities，education is more available to the Miao compared with the pre-1949 situation. However，it is far short of meeting the needs of the economic and cultural development in many regions. Many children are still unable to take advantage of the opportunities due to the distance from the village to the school or due to the costs. School-drop out children in China amount to 1 million in total：most of them are in the ethnic minorities. Of the few who do graduate and go on to college，only a handful return to their villages. For instance in Weining county to which Stone Gateway belongs，the total amount of education units primary schools，middle schools，village classrooms)was 684 in 1998，many more than 52 units in 1950.  But more than 10，000 children lost the opportunity for schooling because they could not pay the small trot]on tees.

   The economic situation of the Miao remains difficult. Even in the 1 990s，the majority of the Miao earn their livelihoods by means of agricultural based economics. They are described as before， “prior to modernisation of farming methods they grew millet and buckwheat using the slash-and-burn methods. ”[10] The Miao is one of the poorest ethnic groups. With the major economic construction concentrated on the east coast of China，accelerated development of culture，education，science and public health in many of the minority inhabited areas is increasingly becoming a matter of urgency.

  Traditional Religions of the Miao

  The Miao are immersed in a polytheistic ethnic religion，which worships many  “gods” and totems. They are predominantly animists who believe that non-human objects have spirits，living in fear of and respect the wrath of the spirits. Spirits can be benevolent or mischievous，protecting or bringing harm to men，beasts，and crops. Elaborate rituals and sacrifices are used for protection，when shamans or wizards who play the roles as priests or priestesses are responsible for identifying demons and instructing the afflicted；in how to appease them. Every house has an altar to ancestral spirits of grandparents and other relatives who died natural deaths in old age. If a Miao dies a tragic death，however， his evil spirit is supposedly left behind to bring havoc to his family and village，unless he is properly appeased. Shamans are to be consulted before major decisions are made (Long etc. ，1985：335；Zhang，1992：155).  In a vague way they believe in the transmigration of souls，and they certainly worship the spirits of their ancestors，mountains，sacred trees，sacred stones，wells and the door. Within Miao tradition，the Miao spirit world was as real to them as the 1iving world.

  On the one hand, such epistemological ideas allow the Miao to be free of all shackles in thinking and imagination. As a consequence，they venture to explore the unknown and strive to tap all possible realms of experience. On the other，the Miao believed the shamans were able to avert calamity and sickness by being in league with the evil spirits. Therefore shamans became the main enemy whom the missionary tried to fight and to replace. They thought that the wizards held medical and spiritual “control over” the people. Actually the Miao shamans/wizards have never achieved a social status as high as that of the missionaries.

  In terms of the religious situation，after 1949，religious practices were discouraged. The constitution of 1954, though, guaranteed freedom to believe in religion.  Meanwhile， the  government started large-scale work of education of socialism. The process of ideological assimilation put the ways of Christianity under social pressures. Church activities and religions institutions were destroyed in the Cultural Revolution of the mid-1960s. The government has become more tolerant of religious observances since 1978.

  Taking the collective identity into account， what has been the connection between the traditional religions and the national identity，of the Miao? There was no evidence to support the judgment that the Miao Christianity contributed to their national identity, or the strong links between polytheistic ideas and a nation-state/multination. Based on the description above，the Miao identity，as I sum up，had characteristics as follows.

·The Miao was one of the economically poorest and politically marginalised ethnic groups，with a much longer history of collective migrations within national and transnational boundaries. The collective memory of the history as well as the ancestor has been the fundamental element of ethnic-national identity.

·In terms of internal construction，the Miao’s old religion is a polytheistic one with worship of many  “gods” and natural objects. Therefore，it is an endowment for the Miao to be more tolerant of other or outside  “gods” and super naturals. The traditional religion made the Miao receptive to other cultural symbols and able to change their identities.

·Although socio-economic relations were established between the Miao and the Han，the Yi and other ethnic groups over a long period，they had shared neither the imagined symbol nor the social structure. There were insufficient conditions to facilitate cultural exchanges and identity building.

Three

Christian movement in the Stone Gateway Community

Christian movement in Stone Gateway was an example to show， how central symbols were introduced into a peripheral community.  What were the fruits of this change in Stone Gateway community? To what extent，could the “invented tradition” impact social changes?

Western Cultural and Christianity in Modern China

What was the background of the Christian Movement in China in the early 20^th century? After the Opium Wars in the 1 9th century，the Qing government was forced to agree to the Treaty of Nanjing and a series of treaties which destroyed the emperor’s superiority to all the rulers and outsiders and further damaged the dynasty's prestige.   “The period from 1860 to 1900 saw the gradual spread of mission stations into every province under the treaty right of extraterritoriality，and also under the right of inland residence illegally slipped into one treaty”(Fairbank & Goldman：222). By 1894，the Roman Catholic establishment totaled 750 European missionaries and over half a million communicants. Protestant missions supported over 1,300 missionaries，mainly British，American，and Canadian，and maintained some 500 stations in about 350 cities and towns，while they made fewer than 60,000 Christian converts among the Chinese. Later their efforts in rural areas led  “the number of Chinese converts and practicing Christians rose by 1900 to over 100,000"(ibid. ：223).

Since 1 900，more reform-minded Chinese have started to search the Western thoughts. Chinese and foreign trends converged：reform-minded Chinese had built up education in the New Learning，while Christian efforts in China more and more stressed the  “social gospel，” to address the social problems.   “The Sino-foreign Christian community enjoyed a brief golden age of about two decades from 1905 to 1925’(Fairbank：260-261). This era of Christian cooperation was marked by significant achievements such as road-building，hospital construction，training and mass education. As Fairbank criticized.  “they barely scratched the surface of the Chinese people’s problems. Most of these foreign-aided activities were pilot-model treatments，not on a scale capable of transforming China directly”(ibid：260-261). The Christian movement， as a symbolic construction of community，served the needs of social movements in China. Religious cultures could come to be associated with the identity of communities at different levels：village，ethnic group，and nation state.

Christianity Introduced to Stone Gateway

How did Christianity start in the Miao community? It was started by the Methodist Mission, an remarkable branch of Christians from England[11].  In Yorkshire of North England，I visited the Heptonstall Methodist Chapel，and learned how it is  “the oldest in continuous use” since 1764.  The Methodist society was founded by Rev. John Wesley， his brother Rev. Charles Wesley  William Derney and many local people. ReV. Samuel Pollard (1864-1915)，one of the Methodist apostles，had devoted himself to the work of evangelising China since 1886.  He and his colleagues achieved a lot within Miao society in the Stone Gatewav area. Southwest China.

How did Pollard start connecting with the Miao? Samuel Pollard was born in an ethnic minority area in England. His family was very poor but “marked by spiritual distinction”(Grist，6)，where religion was the supreme reality. Following his father，he joined the Bible Christian Chapel and Methodist mission. When he came to the southwestern China, the first ethnic group he selected to evangelise was “Nosu”who had the Chinese name of “Yi” people. However. there were many difficulties.  During seventeen years of work in Yunnan，a few churches were formed among the Chinese and a few Nosu(Yi)were won to Jesus.   “A few natives were trained for Work among their own people”(Pollard，1919：29). Pollard and his colleagues worked hard but things went slowly. The main reason was that Chinese and other powerful ethnic groups did not like to accept foreign religions and considered them as heresy or paganism.

At the beginning of the 1900s，Southwest China was considered the hardest missionary field in all China. Even in Kunming，the chief city of the province，  “after thirty years of work，there are not thirty Church members”(Pollard. 1919：21).  Dramatically，the missionaries met the turning point. Rev. James Adam. a China Inland Missionary，worked in the City of Anshun and made some efforts to reach the Miao and study their language. One day in 1903，a band of hunters met him. They came from a Miao village 200 miles away from the City of Anshun but two or three days distant from Zhaotong City at the northeast corner of Yunnan. James Adam wrote a letter to Rev. Pollard who preached the same Gospel in Chaotong City(i. e. Zhaotong City). These four Miao people，bringing the letter，visited Pollard’s Mission House to seek information about Jesus，who was said by missionaries to be  “a friend of the Miao”. Polland recorded this historic event in his book(1919：30)：

 “The four men，on July 12th.1904，were dressed as Chinese. They looked very tired and shy, and carried bags of oatmeal over their shoulders. They came into the inner courtyard and asked if they could see the teacher”.  “In a few moments I went out，and from the upper part of the courtyard looked at my visitors. Little did I dream what it meant for them and for me. Little did any of us dream that this was the revival come at last. "

They were well treated. They left for home when their supply of oatmeal was nearly exhausted. When they returned to their hamlets and villages，they spoke to their friends and opened a way for others.  Shortly afterwards their  “tribesmen” of the district flocked in crowds to Zhaotong(Zhang，1 992：49).

When the thousands of Miao started up the Christian movement，some Nosu and Han people started to live in fear. They were asking，  “what means this unrest among the Miao?"  “Why are these long lines of aborigines going everyday to the foreigners homes?" Moreover， it was stated that  “the foreigners were supplying each band of Miao with bags of potent poison，which the Miao were casting into the wells，so that the Nosu and the Han[12] might be killed off, leaving the land for the Christians”(Pollard，1919：53-54).  It was at first whispered and later on became public gossip in the markets. In order to stop the Han and the Nosu adopting a hostie attitude against the Miao converts， the missionary thought that  “orders would come from Chinese Headquarters to stamp out the persecution. ”[13] Pollard negotiated with the local administrators and caused two official proclamations to be issued by Weining County government in 1904，with such words， “whereas we have repeatedly received Imperial Edicts commanding us to protect the Foreign men/Christians[14]. ” The initial words used by officers were only  “Foreign men". Pollard asked the officers to replace it by  “Christians”. The official proclamation became their protective talisman.

To give me people easier access to the mission，Pollard moved from urban to rural areas. He made friend with An Yungjer，a Yi landlord，and received a piece of land on his estates，where Pollard could build a chapel，and promised to permit any of his tenants to become Christians. An Yungjer agreed to this probably due to some utilitarian concerns：the foreigner was regarded as an influential person；it might be more trouble and worried if so many Miao people went to the central city frequently；the piece of land he offered was far away from the central city and supposed to be safe.

Stone Gateway(Shi-Men-Kan)was selected. Territorially，it was a remote and marginalised place in the mountains，full of smokeless coal，that was significant for the missionaries to survive in cold winters. A group of new rooms were built with a certain part of donations from the poor. As Figure 2 shows，the white-washed buildings could be seen for many miles. A number of people-schoolchildren，teachers，preachers-resided there. In a couple of years，their “little 5 pound house” [15]became a multifunction building：bedroom and dining-room，dispensary and book room，dressing-room and strong room，pantry and larder，mothers’ meeting room and preachers’ training class room，society stewards’ vestry and poor man’s lawyer's office，described by Pollard.

Pollard was a  “Charismatic" leader.  People were impressed by  “the captivating charm of his fine personality. ” Many Chinese，Nosu，Miao，and his colleagues  “were conscious of the same magnetic charm working in his personality and upon them. ”(Smith，1919：11) One great trait in Sam Pollard’s character was simplicity. Men coveted his faith.   “He seemed so sure of Jesus Christ and His truth”(Dymond，1919：11). Pollard viewed himself as  “the foreigner stands before them dressed as one of themselves, small enough to be knocked down by any strong man among them，telling a story with a good laugh at the end，and then preaching on as if he were never going to stop”(1908：59). He was regarded as “the most gifted that Southwest China has known" (Smith，1919：7).

This is the English inscription on the gravestone of Rev. Samuel Pollard at Stone Gateway.

In LOVING MEMORY of the

RV SAMU EL POLLARD

1864-1915

MlNISTER Of UNITED METHODlST CHURCH

(Formerly the BIBLE CHRISTIAN CHURCH)

Who labored for thirty years as Missionary in YUNNAN and KUEICHOU，

one of the Pioneers of the above Church.

THIS MEMORIAL WAS

ERECTED BY THE MIAO CHURCH IN

REMEMBRANCE OF ONE WHO COUNTED NOT HIS

LIFE DEAR UNTO HIMSELF SO THAT HE MIGHT

FINISH HIS COURSE WITH JOY，AND

THE MINISTRY WHICH HE

RECEIVED OF THE

LORD JESUS

TO TESTIFY OF THE

GOFPEL of the GRACE OF GOD

Throughout the well-organised construction，Stone Gateway was transformed from a remote village into a headquarters of the United Methodist Mission in Southwest China by the 1 920s. The Christian influence was expanded into a larger area，so that it was possible to  “travel from Stone Gateway to Yunnan Fu，and rest at a Christian outstation nearly every night[16]. ” “Each school is a center for mission work. and the aim is not only to make Christian of all scholars，but also to win all the folk who live in the neighborhood”(Grist，1 920：285). More and more people came to Stone Gateway to attend the services and worships. In a Sunday morning，2,000 people had come，after walking up and down the difficult and dangerous mountain roads.

One of the remarkable achievements was the creation of the Miao writing system，which is well-known as  “Pollard Script”.  Actually the creators of Pollard Script included many others. The Miao scholars，Zhang Yuehuan， Yang Yage， Wang Shengmo， and the Han scholar Stephen Lee(Li Wu) participated to create the whole system[17].  They took the ancient Miao pictographic characters，added sounds and imitated the alphabetic structure of the English writing. With their assistants，Pollard and the Chinese used this Script for translating the New Testament and some hymns. The Pollard Script was quickly and easily learned by the Miao people，and they became much more proud of having their language in a written from which they could call their own. It is significant that local people believe they，have ownership of their own writing system.

The Diffusion of Modem Education System in the Miao Communities

  What Pollard and his colleagues had achieved was not only the fast expanding of Christian influence, but also a contribution to the capacity building，in a modern term human resource development.   “The Protestant missionaries were great institution-builders. They set up their compounds with foreign-style houses managed by Chinese servants and soon were developing schools and dispensaries or public-health clinics”(Fairbank：223-224).

·Education System：the primary schools that formed a network covering a larger area，junior anti senior primary schools，the Girl’s School，a training school for evangelists，and a junior middle school that was the first middle school in Weining County.

·Healthcare System：Common People’s Hospital，Leprosy hospital, Orphan settlement，and Nursing school.

A western-style education system was already well established at Stone Gateway by the end of the Qing Dynasty. The Christian schools were organized as a network： in the surrounding region. ‘ “all looking to orders and direction from Stone Gateway”(Grist，1920：284). The result was remarkable - “Education, almost always neglected by the Chinese government，is now under the control of the church. As education in this area developed earlier and better than in other areas, it has achieved an important position in the development of the Miao’s education"(Qiu，1 945).

   Qiu Jifeng undertook research of the Miao in the mid-l940s. According to findings of his survey，  “Of the Miao of this area, more than 50%～60% have been civilized by the English and this is indeed a big obstruction for the unity of our nationalities. "Stone Gateway Church had lead  “more than forty churches, 40000-50000 believers，most of the believers are Miao”(ibid. )and through them，had impact on an even larger population in the region.  Before 1920, the schools at Stone Gateway community had 350 children in them. Sports and drill were introduced. In the district，a total of 3 000 children were attending the Christian schools(Dymond， 1919：181).   “In one division of this district，with a population of fifty thousand people，there is not a single Government school，whereas there are nine United Methodist schools which are of very little expense to the Mission"(Grist，1920：285). In the mid-1940s，  “there are fifty-two schools in the Stone Gateway area，most of them elementary schools，there are more than seventy teachers. ”

  The Miao were able to get access to preferential treatment from the school and medical care，flee of charge. Board and lodging were available for those who came from far villages to attend service. Take the example of the Girls’Sch001.  “Work among girls is being organised in the same way…Training in school-teaching，homework，cooking，washing，babies，sewing，Sunday-school teaching，elementary hygiene，etc. ，are all in the girls’ school curriculum"(Grist，284).

Since 1914, the best Miao students had been sent to a first-rate middle school, universities or abroad to continue their studies. On the whole the movement had been upwards. Most of the students returned to Stone Gateway after graduating. Later on they became teachers and educational leaders who committed themselves to serving the Miao communities. Of these studentS，Dr. Wu Xingchun and Mr. Zhu Huanzhang，who studied in the West China University in Chengdu，the capital of Sichuan Province， became the outstanding schoolmasters of Stone Gateway School，as well as the admirable leaders of the Flowery Miao community.

During 43 years of work，the missionaries achieved a lot within Miao society around Stone Gateway.  By 1949， a total of 40,000 persons had learnt and used the various missionary writing systems Enwall，1994：216).  In the early 1990s，the number of persons who knew the Pollard Script was estimated as between 50,000 and 1 00,000. "[18]

Stone Gateway was transformed from a remote village into “the top cultural area of the　Miao". It was called by mass media　 “the Miao's holy place”,  “an overseas　Kingdom”， “a second Hong Kong”(Zhang，1992：258；Enwall，1 994：36).

In the Post-1949 era，the amount of believers decreased. Just after 1949 there， were still people who were believers and attended service al Stone Gateway churches. The reasons were considered as follows. Most people participated in the revolutionary work and later socialist movements. Therefore there are no more believers attending church services.  A debate about the  work of Pollard and foreign missionaries continued. Because the dominant opinion about  foreign religions was negative，the political pressure was high at Stone Gateway. The books in Pollard Script were burnt. Some people in the middle and upper strata of the church were members of Chinese Nationalist Party，which discouraged some people when the power of Chinese Nationalist Party was rooted out(Yang，1 987). Several priests were imprisoned. Some church activities were still going on and not forbidden until the 1960s. During the Great Cultural Revolution(1966-1 976)，all church activities ceased，but they were revived in the early 1980s. The Pollard script expanded again through non-government channels.

  As in other parts of world，the Gospel played a great role in education and healthcare，which was welcomed by indigenous people. Beside it the following reasons of Christian movement in Stone Gateway were summed up from social structure(Long etc. ， 1985；Zhang，1992；Yan，1993).

·Support by Foreign and State Governments

The foreign governments provided important support for the mission work and helped them to deal with the opposition from the local governments.  Under the treaty，Chinese government had to protect the mission. So the missionaries were a special people out of local control. The chief officer of Weining Zhou[19] sent a report to the provincial governor, accusing the foreigners of drilling the Miao，and representing that these seekers after the truth were Contemplating something harmful to the state(ibid). However this report, through the British Consul-General，finally fell into the foreigner's hand. This shows the strong links between the foreign pressure and the embedding process of Christianity.

·The Method of Evangelisation

It is important to pay attention to how the missionaries handled the social hostility. The thoughtful methods of evangelisation motivated people's participation. On one hand, the missionaries negotiated with the local governments to issue official proclamations to stamp out the persecution and to stop the hostility against the converts. They used official proclamations as their protective talisman.

On the other hand，they propagated a social gospel with some productive technologies，which benefited the Miao community. Rev. Harry Parsons(1878-1952)served as missionary in southwest China with the United Methodist Church from 1902 to 1928. Parsons family went to live among the Miao people，while the people’s own name for themselves was Miao. Rev. and Mrs. Parsons had three children，all born in Zhaotong.  The twin brothers R. Keith Parsons and P. Kenneth Parsons were Successors of their parents in the work among the Miao people. Parsons family contributed great to the research on Miao language and development for Miao livelihood.

·No Restricted Identity Difficulty

When the Miao people heard the Han and the Yi talking about the foreigners as Yang-ren[20], they were nervous when first coming to the Mission House. After seeing Pollard, they found the foreigners were not so different，but  “just like our own people”.  They spoke to Pollard，  “You are like a family member to us，only you have come from a long distance”(Pollard，1919：34). For the Miao at that moment，there was no clear idea of a nation-state to be borne in mind. They had no clear idea of  “foreign religion” in the context of international relationships. Therefore no barrier or restriction，specially in terms of Psychological difficulties，lay in the way of group identity transformation.

·Achievements in the periphery

Thousands upon thousands of Miao became Christians and there were scores of village chapels and schools over an area of hundreds of square miles of towering mountains and deep valleys，often with roaring rivers to be crossed. Stone Gateway was the center of this very wide area，leading one of the largest churches in this multi-ethnic region.

It has generally been the case in Asia that  “Christian missionaries have found it difficult to gain converts among the adherents of highly organised state religions such as Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. " Rather, they were  “consequently forced to turn their attention to smaller more deprived minorities (Tapp 1989：98-99). Indeed，their achievements have often been laudable. Both researchers and missionaries observed the same facts：the poorer the people, the greater degree of success of the missionary enterprises. So Christianity，was called a religion for the poor. Following this case study，Chapter Four and Five will focus on symbolic construction，and analyze identity construction and deconstruction.

Four

Culture Drift and Symbolic Inventions

The history of Stone Gateway illustrated the impact of Christianity on social changes in all ethnic community. Following this case study, I will analyses identity construction and deconstruction，and the last chapter provides a further structural interpretation. This chapter focuses on internal construction of the Miao national identity，with the analysis of how the invented  tradition-the patrimonial symbol-was deconstructed by the  “God" symbol. The meaning of the symbolic shift will be discussed in the questions, such as, how did the symbols come into historical being? In what ways have their meanings changed over time? How Could they have emotional legitimacy?

As Hobsbawm pointed out, invented traditions  “occur more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social patterns"(1 983：4). It is because  “old traditions had been designed producing new ones to which they were not applicable, or when such old traditions and their institutional carriers and promulgators no longer prove sufficiently adaptable and flexible, or are otherwise eliminated"(ibid. ). The Miao people，due to wars and long-term emigrations，had lived in mountains with hard environments，and were gradually divided into many branches. These branches have various lifestyles and different types of costume developed during cultural interacting with other ethnic nationalities. Nevertheless，they adopted certain methods to maintain their old traditions Some symbolic meanings of the old traditions were captured by the missionaries as the base of  “invented traditions”. It is helpful to analyse the process for the invention of a Miao script(writing system).

The Metaphor of a Myth：the Loss of Writing System

Myths of ethnic groups are often about what they had in the past，but the Miao share a history about what they have lost. As Chapter Two mentioned，a majority of the Miao was illiterate"，in official discourse，before the Christian movement. The capacity to read the Chinese books had been regarded as one symbol of the Han Chinese power over the Miao. In Pollard’s writing， “for generations these Flowery Miao have lived without a history mixing only with each other，quite ignorant of the outside world’’(1919：76). However, it was not exactly the case. The ethnographic work shows that the Miao history has been embedded into many types of art forms，such as epic，songs and clothes. Memories of the wars and migrations remained vivid in oral stories and women’s handcrafts. As sharing the myth of their loss has been one way of maintaining the Miao identity，the meaning of the plentiful art of the Miao，however，emerges only when the myth of  “Lost” is interpreted.

·Writing

 The story of the Miao script seems very interesting. According to oral history，the Miao people originally had created their own writing system，but unfortunately it had not been preserved. Almost in every Miao community I visited，I heard the legends or  “the myth”，as Enwall calls it，about how the Miao lost the old writing system，and how it was later rediscovered. Wang Jianguang(1940)recorded one version of it.

 “When they had to cross various waters，they did not have time to build boats，so when they forded the rivers they were afraid that their books should become wet. In order to avoid such a disaster they carried the books on their heads. ” When they came to the Yangtze River they all wanted to cross as quickly as possible，but the current was very strong as they came to the middle，and most of them were drowned，the books were lost and they could not be retrieved. As【the migration】continued somebody invented a method of embroidering these characters onto the clothes as a memorial. ” (Wang：49)

Although there are slight differences between the versions in various areas，the main part of the story is similar in several points. Same context：the story connects with the Miao history of migration. Same site：the loss seems to be the event when the Miao crossed the Yellow River. Same result： the Miao embroider the old writing on traditional Miao clothes.

·Songs and music

Because the Miao had no written language for centuries，music became an important means for recording history and legends and social events. Their  “Ancient Songs”[21]，in many ways like epics，are still widespread in the Miao society as a traditional method to record Miao history.

     “Sun and moon go to the west.

    When，rivers flow to the east.

Our ancestors come here

Following the Sun and

    Crossing the rivers and mountains. ”

 “Embroidering on our cape with

    The lost houses and

    The lost weaponry.

    Embroidering on Our skirts with

    The original golden homeland

    The rivers and the lakes

Kept in. every heart and in every mind.”(Zhang, 1992：l2)

Some indigenous songs that were also translated into English by Rev. Keith Parsons in the past 50 years included similar content[22]. From a young age, children are taught these stories in song and sing them. The songs are widespread and performed at family and community parties at the Miao festivals.

·Embroidery

The Miao woman are particularly good at weaving, embroidery and cross-stitch work with geometric patterns. Styles in Miao clothing include geometric patterns, vivid colors, native birds and flowers. They weave cotton cloth themselves and dye it either blue or the deep brown colors they like best. The Miao in the northwest part of Guizhou tend to favor bright colors. Women in this area have long hair gathered in a knot on the top of the head. with a unique long-horn decorative piece over the head. They also have their hair in a bum tied with a scarf·Remarkably，women’s handcrafts embedded the symbolic meanings of Miao culture.

 “Everywoman makes her own costume utilizing the text arts and handcrafts required  to create this expression of her group identity he weaves and indigo dyes the cloth，and elaborately embellishes it using embroidery，weaving，appliqué，batik，and other decorative design skills. A complete costume may take a couple years to finish.  Beyond the costumes and ethnic identities, this is a world of traditional farming villages where life is still lived much as it has been lived for a millennium. Both the spectacle of ceremonial life and the timelessness of daily，life lie at the heart of observation. ”[23]

The embroidery patterns were described as being as ‘‘beautiful as their original Golden Homeland”(Yan，1 993：34)，or as a direct depiction of their legendary prosperous homeland，from which they were driven away by the stronger ethnic group. Even today the Miao people maintain their famous skills and designs of embroidery on the ordinary dresses. The Miao history could be traced because it had been preserved in people’s clothes and skirts.

·Festivities

With their traditions there are folk festivals that take place every year. The Miao gather from hundreds of villages for a time of feasting，drunkenness，dancing and singing, which is called  “tiao-hua”，i. e.   “Jumping for Flowers” in the Flowery Miao communities. The messages of the Miao’s original livelihood and their long-term migration，which were recorded in indigenous epics，songs and embroidery，are sent to everyone at their festivals. During festivals and ritual dates，they put on more decorative and colorful jackets and aprons，which are usually worn by women.  “It was of considerable tribal significance，for a hostile world，surrounded by other tribes and an antagonistic civilization，it served to maintain the tribal consciousness of a people who had little more than the bitterness of life to hold in common”(Kendall，1949：98). The Miao festivals provide common occasions by means of ritual activities to encourage and enhance the ethnic identity in a strong sense.

 The Pollard Script

 “It is almost never the case that writing is created to meet the need of an aboriginal society，and that writing systems introduced from the outside are often met with on as the potentialities of writing are unknown to the people.  It may seem quite useless，or at best as some kind of magic. [24]“  The Miao in Stone Gateway，however， provided a counter-example for this assumption.

In order to translate the New Testament into the Miao language，Samuel Pollard and several Chinese, both the Miao and invented a writing system to express it，with various tones which give the same words many different meanings. Pollard and his team learnt the Flowery Miao language and used a simple phonetic script to reduce it to writing.  They created the Pollard Script and used it to translate the New Testament into the Miao language. It is a remarkable event t。empower the Flowery Miao.

The invention of the Miao script fitted into a principle that did not contradict the historical legends of the Miao people. The missionaries realized that it was necessary to up a written system，which should be phonetic and easily understood. They borrowed the method of the syllabics used by a Methodist missionary among the Indians in North America. The script system uses 29 large Letters and 37 small letters, which are considered as  “symbols from embroidery on clothing as initials and Latin letters as finals" It is interesting for me to find this system was known as  “Pollard Script’’ in the Western literature，whereas the Miao in Yunnan and Guizhou call it  “Old Miao script”.  “It still is based on the historical achievements of the Miao，and the forms of utensils which are necessary in everyday life are used for the letters，but their sounds and the structure of the characters，are mostly similar to the alphabetic structure of Latin writing[25]. " In more detail，Enwall analyses two or more interpretations of the myth about  the Miao’s writing and embroidery system(Pollard， 1919； Wang，1940；Enwall，1994).

The invention 0f the Miao Script have to be understood from the aspect of symbol of collective memory for the Miao past.  If someone discover or bring back the  “lost” writing system， to some extent，he would be able to access the identity resource and influential power in the Miao people. In the past， the  “myths on writing have often been connected with messianic movements in which some person has claimed to be the Miao King and bolsters his status}by providing a Miao writing. "(Enwall，1994：55). When the missionaries devised the writing systems，these were viewed as the old Miao writing brought back to the Miao people. Tapp(1989：130) also analyzed the embroidery patterns with more functions and messages.   “A rumour that the lost Hmong writing was concealed in the intricate patterns of the women’s embroidery points to the importance of other forms of communication in an oral culture.  Embroidery patterns，costume，and the music of the qeej[26] (which can be transmuted into linguistic tones) all provide codes of communication whose meanings can be 'read' by an oral tradition should not be underestimated. "

Correspondingly, the invention of the Miao script was started through the influence of Christian  expansion，which was one of the most important factors to encourage the Miao to learn to read the Gospel in their language.  However，many people mentioned that the Script was not only used as a tool for propagating Christianity. The writing has been used for many purposes. For instance, during World War II，the Chinese songs had been written an resounded in Pollard Script by the Miao to support the war against Japanese imperialism.  When Italy invaded Abyssinia a song was also written about this in Pollard Script(Yang, Z, 105；in Enwall，1994b：146). Emphasizing the national origin，it was used to record the poems and stories of the old people(Yang, M. ，1987：l 3；in Enwall，1994b：146).  Numbers of songs were to stimulate the Miao girls and boys to study. It had been used to publish a Miao newspaper twice a month.

The Changes of the Miao Script

According to the national language policies in the 1950s，at the national level, the government began research with a view to reforming the writing languages of ethnic groups，and to carry out scientific research on spoken languages. The main principles for ethnic writing systems were: A. All minority writing systems have to be alphabetic. B. Alphabetic writing systems shall be as similar as possible，because “the languages of this nationalities have generally been rather influenced by the Chinese language”while the alphabetic writing for Chinese was formulated(Fu，1955：113).  The similarity between writing systems was important for facilitating the necessary historical process of language merger. Therefore a Latin-based Miao Script was invented by a group linguists and supported by the government. The Latin-based Miao writing completed and promulgated in 1956.

Meanwhile，due to its influence in the Miao people，the old Pollard Script was not simply  stopped. Linguists revised it and made it  “more perfect and more scientific” (Zhang： 204), which is known as  “the new Miao Script” or the  “reformed Pollard Script”. The reformed Pollard Script were completed around 1950， when was happened to be a turning point of Chinese history. Therefore some of the linguists resettled to overseas.

 Fortunately I visited Rev. Parsons in 1 999 and had a chance to see the hard copy of the reformed Pollard Script： The Flowery Miao-English Glossary， with a length of thousand pages.  This huge work took Rev. Kenneth Parsons half a century to research. After World War II，he and his brother returned to Southwest China where they were able to renew their links with the Miao people. Alongside their missionary work，Kenneth Parsons began the compilation of an extended Flowery Miao-English glossary of words and phrases， while Keith Parsons kept collecting old folk stories，songs，and oral traditions.

Since the late 1950s there have been three competing writing systems in Stone Gateway，as well as same dialect areas in Guizhou Province and Yunnan Province：the Old Pollard Script， the reformed Pollard Script， and the Latin writing.  There were two cultural events of the writing culture of Flowery Miao.  The first one is in 1906 since Pollard Script was created the Flowery Miao people started an era to own their own writing script. The Flowery Miao experienced another cultural event in the 1950s when they had to deal with three kinds of script. So the symbolic system was divided into branches.

  Nowadays the results of these three competing writing scripts are comparable. The changing scripts imply the emerging of a historic  “road fork”： three scripts represent three symbols that form a link to collective identities. The Latin-based script，the reformed Pollard Script，and the old Pollard Script differed in functions and in discourses.

The Latin-based script and the reformed Pollard script were propagated through the special education project for minority nationality language.  These two writing systems were taught within selected schools，normally urban based  “ethnic school” to undertake this pilot project.  However，the newly invented writing systems spread slowly. Many officers I interviewed who had a Miao ethnic background could not use them. Their slow development was because of at least the following reasons.  It was shortage of well-organised delivery system for training the Latin-based script.  For instance in Weining County，only six of total 684 schools were titled  “ethnic school”[27].  Ethnic children in any other schools were not able to have opportunities to learn these official-formulated scripts. It was shortage of the linkage between the Latin-based script and ethnic culture.  It was shortage of social acceptation to the Latin-based script. The Miao people prefer the old Miao script to the new one.   “They think of it with deeply ethnic emotion”(Zhang：204). After twenty years of stagnation of education，those people who learnt the Latin-based writing most likely forgot it.

In contrast, the Miao now think of the old Miao script nostalgically.  The old Pollard script has lived on. When the ethnic policy and the religious policy shifted the New Testament and Hymn Books in old Pollard script were reprinted. As I visited many Miao villages, villagers, males and females，were happy to show me in hand their Hymns Books，which were published in the late 1980s. The books were neither in Latin-based Miao script’nor in Han Chinese script.  In my fieldwork in Stone Gateway community, when I asked the villagers, women and men, the reasons why they come to the churches, very often, they replied to me：  “I am a Miao，So I really want to learn the Miao Script. ”[28] Similar phenomena were observed in Bijie County in Guizhou，and Luquan County in Yunnan.  It has been propagated within Christian families， through their neighborhood chains and community networks.

The Replacement and Embodiment of Symbols

During the process of cultural inventions in Miao society，how did the new symbols replace and embed into the traditional symbolic system? Symbolic shift is Significant to explain the identity construction and deconstruction. In the case of the Stone Gateway community，the national identity emerged and ethnic cohesion was enhanced with the invented traditions-the Miao writing and the Miao Christianity. The birth and development of the Miao scripts illustrate a process of forming and changing collective symbols that contribute to their social selves. As an invented tradition，it “throws a considerable light on the human relation to the past，and therefore on the historian’s own subject and craft”(Hobsbawm，1983：12).  For invented traditions， so far as possible,  “use history as legitimator of action and cement of group cohesion” (ibid. ).  Making a comprehensive outlook， their  “social selves” and the  “collective symbol” changed in the following aspects.

A. Embedding of writing symbols

 The first step is replacing and embedding the Miao writing system. Even though the Miao writing was invented under foreign influence，the Miao people ignored this and would like to treat it as their own historical writing. It has been seen how the Miao myth of a lost writing influenced the acceptance of the Pollard Script, and  “how the myth, due to its internal strength，later integrated the Pollard Script into itself, thus completing the circle”(Enwall，1994：158). In the post-1949 era，the Miao script developed as three divergent influences of the same tree due to three distinct works - the missionary，the local government，and the central government. Each work represents different contributions to the symbolic constructions to the intra-ethnic，inter-ethnic and nation-state identities, as I will demonstrate in the next chapter.

B. ‘‘Miao‘s Saviour’’ deconstructing ‘‘Miao King’’

The second step is replacing and embedding the Miao’s representative. The temporary symbol of an ethnic representative is  “Miao King”，while the Miao take Ancestor and other imagined objectives as the ancient symbols for ethnic identity. The expectation of  “Miao King”that the Miao held，was associated as well as translated into the two Christian notions of  “saviour” and  “Millenarianism”[29].  The Miao people regarded Rev.  Pollard as a deity, and addressed him as  “the Miao Saviour” or  “Miao King”.  From my personal point of view， actually  “Miao King” is NOT an institutionalized title for a leader of Miao people，like that of the Han and other hierarchy societies. Rather, it is a symbolic title of a person who in many oases was to be the leader of a historical resistance against inter-ethnic oppressions. In their eyes, the  “saviour” seemed to be someone with the super ability and power，which fitted into the traditional image of  “Miao King”.  This embedding produced a huge passion for Jesus among the Flowery Miao. It was also reflected in Pollard’s writing.  The Miao seekers asked  “none of silly questions” to the Missionaries，Pollard appraised， “one thing that please us much was that these seekers asked us no questions about England or foreign countries. They took it for granted that we were as they were”(1919：37-38). From Pollard’s standpoint，  “it was not geography or science they were keen after，but a knowledge of Jesus. Their one request was，give us books and teach us about Jesus"(ibid. ).  From my opinion，the huge passion of the Miao might be interpreted as an expectation of symbolic power. When the converts called Pollard  “Miao King”，it marked an important symbolic replacement.  Pollard had been a collective symbol and was well accepted by the Flowery Miao. He became a part of Flowery Miao history.

C.   “God” worship deconstructing Ancestor worship

Because the Miao’s inherited religion is a polytheistic one with worship of many  “gods” and natural objects. the Miao are more tolerant of other outside  “gods” and supernatural phenomena than other ethnic groups. Comparing the  “God” in Christianity and  “Ancestor” in Miao original beliefs. both are individual deities.  Both worship experiences include the individual subjective involvement，following up with the sacrament and rituals. Prayer, meditation，dance and singing are all common settings for encounters with the supernatural. Christianity is based on universal principle that everyone is equal to everyone，which gives it some advantages when it is embedded into other cultures and belief systems. Its universal principle worked well in the Flowery Miao society. On the one hand，the God worship is able to replace the Ancestor worship and polytheism effectively. On the other，Christianity was able to deconstruct some original boundaries and to construct new one within or cross them. Christianity opened a horizon for the Miao to prepare to bear new messages in mind，and to receive other cultures which they had never known.

It is interesting to see the process in which patrimonial identity was deconstructed by the  “God” identity，and to analyze the contribution the newly established symbolic system made to the identity construction of the Miao people and communities. However，I notice that many writings on the transformation or cultural drift were embedded within the Western discourse and outside judgment. All of the “invented traditions” and social development were claimed as the achievements of missionaries. The missionary made the effort “to create something new to replace the old tribal festivities.” They thought  “a pagan festival must either be absorbed and redeemed by the Church，or it will infiltrate with heathen ideas into the faith”(Kendall：98-99；Zhang：192). For instance, the festivity of the Miao was called  “inevitable immorality”.   “The tribal folks in the mountains still live a precarious existence in a very lawless countryside，but those that have become Christian have remarkably improved in their conditions since the time when Pollard found them：they are cleaner，more self-respecting and more hopeful”(Kendall：1 40). It needs to be argued who contributed to the construction and deconstruction of a symbol system. It was due to the Miao people and their participation.

Even though Christianity takes some advantages to embed into other culture, “people cannot strip themselves of their cultural equipment to step socially，naked into neutral space”(Cohen，1985：98).  Rather，  “from their own cultural perspectives, people interpret symbols：they impute meaning to them in the light of their own experience and purposes”(ibid.).

Five

Construction of Community Identities from Grassroots

Section Four examined the mechanism of internal construction in which new symbols were invented and the patrimonial tradition was deconstructed and embedded in the new symbolic system. Further discussion in this chapter focuses on external construction.  The main concerns are： how the community identity shitted in power nexus and social structure；and，how the symbolic construction，the Christian movement and other，influenced their community identities at different levels. Taking the size of population as an indicator，I discuss the community or collective identity on three levels： intra-ethnic identity，inter-ethnic integration and nation-state identity.

Intra-ethnic Identity

Social stratification in Flowery Miao society was not clear. Before the introduction of Christianity，there was no structure of stratification appearing within the Flowery Miao  society.   “ In Weining County，the Miao society has generated neither a slavery system nor an internal feudal system” (Weining County Government，1994：105). Differing from the Yi and the Han，none of the Miao was a landlord or a  “tu-mu” in past history. They were poorer than the Miao in other areas. Feudal landlords and  “tu-si” classes existed in the some Miao communities in Hunan，Hubei，and eastern Guizhou provinces. In the Southwest area，the worse existence conditions restricted the Miao to organis themselves to forIn large scale communities. It was hard to find identical centers acting as stratified hierarchy organisations. The agricultural-based livelihood forced them to live in fragmented settlements，mixed with other ethnic groups. They therefore disappeared in remote mountains. With these difficulties，by now most Miao people are still poverty-stricken villagers. The village is their basic community in which people often made up some clans rather than classes. They are clan-oriented，hospitable，and caring toward one another. Between villages，the Flowery Miao are friendly，affectionate people who enjoy festivals and entertaining guests(Long etc. ，1985：313-320). Taking a sweeping view，of history，the Miao’s social life and cultural rituals did not cause them to tie closely to each other. The more crucial fact was that the Miao group as a whole was lack of a economic system with a military-based polity to be capable of competing with the ruling powers. The expectation of Miao King was one of indigenous solutions for the ethnic identity construction within the Miao.

  The significance of Miao King has to be interpreted in the context of the unclear stratification of Miao society. Having been the lowest status，the Miao expected  “Miao  King” as a hope of ethnic liberation. Looking for “the Miao's Saviour” is collective expectation of an imminent disintegration of the entire social order and its replacement with a perfect new order. They were waiting for the “arrival” of “Miao King” to save them from poverty-stricken situation. Among the Methodist missionaries；Historically Rev. Pollard was fitted into the Miao’s image of it. Pollard was a “Charismatic” leader with fine personality. Samuel Pollard was appointed as Bible Christian (Methodist) missionary and sailed for China in 1887. He engaged in evangelistic work in ethnic communities for almost 30 years. During his work with the Flowery Miao， a religious movement， spread among Guizhou， Yunnan and Sichuan provinces. Pollard became the most prominent missionary leader. He was loved and trusted by multitudes，despised and hated by many; facing a thousand and one dangers，healing the sick，teaching the ignorant，comforting the bereaved，playing with the children，stamping out drink and opium，fighting the demon of impurity，showing a timid people how to be self-reliant and enterprising. In September 1915， Pollard Was infected by typhoid fever when he nursed the infected students.  Thousands of Miao people arranged a ceremonious funeral for Pollard， because  “he is ours.” They laid him to rest on a mount overlooking the hills and valleys over and through which he had traveled so often. His grave was on a higher place on a hillside slope，near the church and the school at Stone Gateway. With much work done in developing the miraculous successes of the “social gospel” at Stone Gateway, Pollard was “in the fullness of his powers and influence” among the Miao[30].  He was labeled by people the  “Miao King”，and Zhu Huanzhang[31] won the same honor title three decades later.

As I mentioned before，  “Miao King” had not been an institutionalized title for a leader of a hierarchy system，as  “king” in the Han society and  “tu-si” in Yi Society had been. As Figure 7 indicates，the Flowery Miao had not formed its social structure in a pyramidal model，as the Han society and Yi society had done.  In post-1949 China，Pollard has been a disputed person. From the official point of view，his contribution should be judged in the context of colonial expansion.  He was regarded as a “colonial invader” or cultural imperialist. By contrast，the Miao people at Stone Gateway had deeply respected him as  “the saviour”. Today this consciousness of respect to Rev. Pollard still remains in the Miao communities in the ways of oral history and the collective memories. Therefore ethnic identity could he transnationally constructed and maintained under certain conditions.  One of the conditions might be a Christian movement which deconstructed the identity barriers between the Miao and the person who devoted his life to them wherever he came from.

Inter-ethnic Integration

The Christian and other collective movements among the Flowery Miao were also in connection with their structural niche shift in the multiethnic society. I would argue the social structure and power nexus are behind the identity differences. The Miao in Southwest China were much poorer than other ethnic groups living in the same provinces，and a large part of them were serfs of the Yi people. It was worse for the Miao to be marginalized by the Yi than by the Han. This was based on the following two conditions. On the one hand，the Yi had benefited from the strategy of  “Tribute System” and kept the independence  “tu-si System” for a long term. The feudal and, to some extent，the slavery systems were permitted to remain. Pollard called it an  “independent Nosu country”，  “some of these feudal lords owned estates bigger than an average English county”(Pollard，1919：42).  Kendall viewed it as  “the last of the great islands of independence within the borders of China and represents a last vestige of the authority which the primitive tribes once held over all Southern and Southwestern China”(1949：146). On the other hand，the Yi had benefited from their isolated geographic condition. Bounded on the east by a fierce river and on the west by tremendous mountain ranges，the independent Nosu country had been able to maintain its isolation and defy the spread of Chinese civilization. Under these conditions，the Yi  “had tenaciously held to its independence and sealed its boundaries with a curtain of suspicion and hostility”(Kendall，1949：146).  In particular the Flowery Miao were at the bottom of the social hierarchy controlled by the Yi group. The conflicts mainly existed between the  “tu-si”, “tu-mu”(the Yi chiefs and landlords)and the Miao serfs，while no third power existed before the foreigner’s entry. South all described the characters of a segmentary state that  “specialized political power is exercised within a pyramidal series of segments tied together at any one level by the oppositions between them at a higher level”(1988：52，quoted from Grillo，1998：33).

Did the Christian movement improve the nationality status of the Miao? The Christian movement opened the possibility and gained entrance for the Flowery Miao into the atmosphere of “mutual respect”. Educational development helped the Miao in terms of capacity building. The Miao became  “more literate” than the Han in the same area (Weining County Government，1994：l08). The literate Miao organised themselves to refuse to pay more taxes and be extorted by those  “tu-si”, “tu-mu” and local officers (YangZhong，in：Zhang：139).  Correspondingly，the Christian Miao refused to worship the Yi’s gods as they had to do before. Christianity received much hostility from the non-Miao communities.   “In the early days there were numbers of landlords who opposed the work of the Mission. They wanted to keep their tenants, as serfs and sometimes even as slaves. They certainly did not want them to be educated and their standard of living raised. Both Pollard and Parsons had to face dangerous situations as they visited the landlords and asked for justice for their tenants. On one occasion Pollard was severely beaten” (Parsons，1 999). Not only foreign missionaries，but also the Miao and Han preachers led the people to resist against the oppressions legally. Gradually some Miao were freed of their obligations to the Yi landowners，while the missionaries played the role of inter-mediators in the conflict cases. The attitudes of the Chinese authorities to this kind of economic tie changed as well(Zhang，137：Enwall，1994：219). Because of the support of the third force-the missionaries，the Miao people came to be an ethnic group with certain political influence among the Southwest ethnic groups.

Although socio-economic relations were established between the Miao and the Han，the Yi and other ethnic groups over a long period，they had shared neither the imagined symbol nor social structure. There were insufficient conditions to facilitate cultural exchanges and identity building. The missionaries were able to stand in between and be mediators in the conflict cases，so that they actually became the third force. Because the missionaries supported the Miao people to be a new political group with certain influence among the ethnic groups，they received much hostility and hate from the upper ethnic groups.  

The improvement of inter-ethnic status was limited. For the Flowery Miao，their educational improvements were limited by，their economic and political status. Based on the case study of Hmong (i. e. Miao)in Thailand，Tapp concludes that the adoption of Christianity has never lessened the social distance between the minorities and the majorities with whom they，in many cases，maintained difficult and troubled relations before the advent of Christianity. Rather，the adoption of Christianity has usually alienated the minorities from the situations of which they were a part. The new Christians are still an oppressed minority，as Kendall comments，even though the oppression has been greatly relieved by the new conditions，and even through a Christian Village was essentially a different community from a non-Christian village (1947：140).  Therefore the social structure impeded the changes in identity differences； The Christian movement influenced their community identities at the inter-ethnic level.

The Shaping of National Identity

At the supra-ethnic level，it was an identity-vacuum for the Miao people.  Initially，in the Flowery Miao vocabulary there were no words for  “state”，  “society”，  “civil” and  “citizenship”. The main determinative factor for this identity Vacuum，I would argue，still lies in the hierarchy structure of inter-ethnic groups. Under any strategies of central governments-the  “Running-official System"，the  “Native-official System”，or the  “Tribute System”, the Miao lived in the areas where they were dominated by  “the other”.  They had exact knowledge of what was the Han or what was the Nosu(the Yi)， rather than that of  “state”.   “State” and “nation-state” seemed to be fairly far away and unclear.  The performances of state power(dynasties or the central power), in the sense of labour taxes and a rent-based relationship，were translated into what the Han did or what the Nosu did，and were viewed through the ethnic lens. Moreover，in some Flowery Miao area，the nominal “Running-official System” often was decentralized by the  “Native-official System"， the state government actually exercised power through the agency of  “tu-si” and  “tu-mu”(Long etc. ，1985：127-128). So the Miao，who located at the bottom of the hierarchy structure，had no idea of the ethnicity distinction between the powerful Yi group and the powerful Han groups. They had no idea of a nation.-state. It was Pollard who introduced the idea of  “nation-state”，even though it was a symbolic construction through the mirror of Christianity. Pollard put such leading questions in “the Miao Literacy Text”.

 “What is the Miao? The Miao is an old nationality of China. ”

 “What is China? China is an old state in the world. ”

 “Where is the Miao from? The Miao come from the Yellow River of inland China. ”

When the Republic of China was established in 1912，a five-colour flag was initially selected as the National Flag，to be a symbol of five majority nationalities in China. It reflected the ethnic policy of the central government， termed  “Republic of Five Nationalities”，but did not mention the Miao，Some of the Miao intellectuals were firmly opposed to the  “five nationalities" policy adopted by the Republican Government.  They thought that  “this policy regarded the Miao nationality，ranking the sixth in terms of population，as the alien one. ” Thus  “little love was felt for the five-colour National Flag”(Wu，1998：21).  At Stone Gateway Pollard realized that an opportunity had emerged. He communicated with Wu Tingfang，the Minister of Foreign Affairs at that moment[32].

 “There should be”，Pollard suggested, “one colour in the National Flag for the ethnic nationalities in southwest China. Now there are only five colours representing five nationalities. Are the Miao and the Yi excluded from Chinese citizenships?” What Wu answered was, “the five colours represent majority nationalities in five regions. The Miao live within the Han so they belong to the Han region. ”  “If the Miao belong to the Han region，” Pollard questioned further，  “Would they have equal obligations and rights?’’ ‘‘Sure!’’ Wu responded.

Pollard took it as evidence to help the Miao people to build the nation-state consciousness and idea of citizenship. Mr. Yang Yage, the first Miao preacher as well as one of the creators of the Pollard Script， renamed himself “Yang Yaguo” for celebrating the birth of the “guo” (the “state” in Chinese). Mr. Yang effectively mobilized the poorer people to donate and protect the new government (Zhang：149-50). During World War II, the patriotism songs were resounded by the Miao people in Pollard Script to support the war  “against Japanese imperialism"(Yang：105，quoted from Enwall：146).  In some other eases，the belief in  “God" was able to replace and deconstruct the old national identity. The converts， “in the case of conflict，will support the French, and the British along the borders，not the Chinese"(Swain，in Harrell，1995：140). When ethnic  minorities were missionized，a new factor of “otherness’’was added into their equation of ethnicity.  “A new identity of conversion linked with powerful European colonial imperialists who contested the Chinese state authority. ” The Sani ethnic group response to this  missionary civilizing protect was “contributing to a transforming sentiment of ethnic difference or ethno genesis"(ibid. ：142). But it was not the case of Stone Gateway. The patriotism of the Miao Christians sometimes came first rather than their religious passion. Zhang Xilu recorded an interesting example in the book “Xilou Collection”.

  In 1923，the British army harassed the western boundary between Yunnan Province and Burma. Some Miao Christians read the students’ pronunciation for waking up people to fight against it. They came back to Stone Gateway and “questioned their teacher”[33]:  “How can your people dare to invade our territory?’’  The British teacher’s reaction was “full silence”.

Patriotism made the Miao Christians able to exceed their ethnic identity and inter-ethnic integration. It is partly because，as Zhang points out，the Methodist missionaries encourage people to participate in social reform more actively，than other Christian branches； and partly because the religious passion of the Miao had not been utilised by Pollard and his colleagues to directly serve colonial purposes.

The notion of nation-state，which Pollard introduced，is a symbolic construction through the mirror of Christianity. In Africa，things were similar and widespread,  “Armed with this new literary. 1anguage and with instructional and devotional materials"，teachers and evangelists poured out into all the area of the American Methodist outreach.  ‘They’ paid no attention to colonial administrative boundaries”(Ranger，1989：128).  Nevertheless，ethnicity was an indicator of  “otherness” and accordingly susceptible to redefinition. Local ethnic identities also interconnected with wider networks of culture and politics. Christianity had caused little hostility to the foreigners in the Miao communities，because they had not put up a restrictive identity boundary. In the early stage of the mission among the Miao，there seems to have been little opposition against the westerners and foreign influence. As a preacher wrote，  “anti-foreignism iS unknown among them”[34]. In terms of labour taxes and rent-based relationships，the Miao had neither a very clear idea about the distinction between the powerful Yi group and the powerful Han groups，nor the idea of a nation-state. When the missionaries appeared in the Miao community，they were viewed as “outsiders”. Because they lived within and worked for the communities，the Miao had a clear idea about the distinction between the missionaries and the Yi and Han landlords. The former seemed to be more acceptable.

One of the findings in this case study is symbolic construction of community – both the ethnic and the national，based on the Christian movement of the Miao ethnic group in the context of Chinese history. From a perspective of anthropology of development，I tentatively explore and examine the social transformation in cultural Interpretation，invented tradition and identity shifting.

It initializes with the literature review on the theoretic issues of national and multinational，center and periphery and invented traditions These issues lead to a framework to be carried on through the monograph. On a multinational axis，national belonging is grouped into levels of ethnic-nation cohesion，nation-state construction，and supra-national integration. In the course of history，the Chinese central governments adopted  “the Running-official System”，  “the Native-official System” and “the Tribute system”. These systems typically reflected the pattern of inter-ethnic integration and center-and-periphery relationships in various situations.

 It is questionable whether central authorities and peripheral segmentarv authorities reflect the same model. In China，it was not the case. The social structure vailed community by community，which to a certain extant determined the identity construction as the way of representation. Several types of relationships were combined and interlocked together to emphasize the identity differences. The national identity might depend on the internal development of the ethnic society itself: whether it is segmentary or not.  In multinational states，state-making entails more complex processes than nation-building.

Taking into account the Miao’s social situations in the history of China, they were the economically poorest and political marginalised，with a much longer history of collective migrations，whose collective memory of the loss of a writing system has been a fundamental component of ethnic-national identity. The case study of Stone Gateway illustrates the impact of Christianity on social transformation in the Stone Gateway community. Its great achievements were the establishment of education and the invention of a writing system for the Miao. In only twenty years of development，Stone Gateway was transformed from an isolated village community into “the highest cultural center of the Miao’’and the headquarters of the United Methodist Mission in Southwest China.

  Why did the missionaries appeal so strongly to the Flowery Miao? In terms of external conditions several reasons are specltled. Firstly the foreign governments provided important support for the mission work and helped them to deal with the opposition from the local governments. Secondly，the thoughtful methods of evangelisation motivated people’s participation，and the missionaries handled the social hostility.  Thirdly，these people had no barrier or restriction，no psychological or political difficulties with the identity transformation. Fourthly，the achievements of Christianity often appeared in the periphery ethnic groups.

The collective identity could be constructed from both external and internal conditions，which sometimes may also probably deconstruct it. The Stone Gateway example illustrates how the symbolic system contributed to the identity construction of the Flowery Miao society，and how the new symbols were embedded into the Miao’s cultural tradition and identity. Therefore symbolic construction and deconstruction might be two sides of one coin. In the case of Stone Gateway community，the national identity emerged and was extended with an invented tradition-the Miao writing and the Miao Christianity. In particular the analyses focus on the process of the patrimonial identity deconstructed by the  “God” identity in the following aspects：

·Embedding of writing symbols. The invention of the Pollard Script had thrown considerable light on their ethnic identity in connections to the past and present situations. For invented traditions，they use history as legitimate or of action and cement of group cohesion. In the post-1949 era，the Pollard Script developed into three types of divergent Miao scripts-one mission based script，two government formulated scripts. Different work represents different contributions to the symbolic constructions of the ethnic and national identities.

· “MiIao’s Saviour" deconstructing  “Miao King". The Christian and other collective movements among the Flowery Miao were particular in connection with their structural niche at the bottom of the multiethnic society. The expectation of a symbolic  “Miao King” was one of indigenous expression for the ethnic identity construction within them.

· “God” worship deconstructing Ancestor worship. The construction and deconstruction of the deity are outside of imagined boundaries of communities. So the symbolic identity could be constructed within or across national boundaries. God was able to deconstruct the Ancestor，and the God worship was able to replace the ancestor worship as well. Christian culture provided the collective symbol for people to promote their social selves and belongings，whereas indigenous myth and rituals are treated as an expression of the way in which people cognitively map past，present and future.

The Christian movement can be interpreted as an alternative solution for the indigenous needs. There were social gaps between center and periphery. The Christian movement bridged the gap. This is one of the reasons why Christianity “won the hearts of the inhabitants." Christianity was attractive to the indigenous people because it promoted feelings of equality and self-respect，which had been ignored before. The case of the Miao scripts indicates that，only if people are willing to receive the invented tradition and treat it as their own historical symbols，it can become a part of their identity. The large-scale participation of the Miao people is a crucial factor.

Furthermore, some structural analyses are carried on to show how the symbolic construction，the Christian movement and other factors，influenced their community identities at different levels. Some researches have addressed the impact of conversion on national identity，considering that colonial missionaries’ efforts to incorporate peoples into a world religious network could be seen as a vehicle for ethnic resistance to inter-ethnic or state oppression. Taking a comprehensive viewpoint，nation-building and ethnic integration are related not only to the discourses at national level，but also able to root into small community and "social selves" as well as to embed Into the "collective symbols”.

下篇

中文专题研究

Rural Education in Stone Gateway：

Modernity Embedded from Grassroots

石门坎乡村教育兴衰：现代性的嵌入

引言

一个贫困山村与现代性的距离

    笔者的英文专题报告分析的是石门坎地区的苗族社区认同变迁。1999——2000年论文完成，我没有轻松之感，而是有许多不解之惑和未竟之言。这个地方吸引着我继续思考。2001—2002笔者再次来到石门乡开展田野调查，调查的重点为石门地区乡村教育变迁。

  选择石门坎继续研究，不仅因为它经历了从文化边缘跃升到文化中心的历史，也因为它具有从文化中心跌落到文化边缘的现实。对于石门文化所经历的中心-边缘的落差，其中原因，人们众说纷纭，比如：其一、经济贫困导致教育落后，这是发展经济学者的主要观点，经济基础决定乡村教育发展和相关文化现象。因为地方财政贫困，难以吸引人才、难以稳定教师队伍。石门教育的现状和问题具有普遍性，而不是特殊性。其二、上级政府和领导重视程度是教育发展的关键。这是各级政府部门的基本思路。领导重视，石门教育就顺利发展；领导重视不够，石门教育就停滞甚至滑坡。不论石门坎历史如何，解决目前教育困境的关键在于政府重视、增加投入力度、采取行政手段。其三、宗教进退使然，基督教的传播带来石门教育兴盛，基督教停滞导致石门教育衰退。这是海内外一些宗教研究的基本观点，倾向于认为石门坎文化的兴起和消退根本原因在于基督教运动在这个地区的消长，所谓成也萧何、败也萧何。其四、石门坎过去的文化成就比如老苗文已经不能适应时代要求，自然淘汰，在他们看来，石门坎从文化中心跌落到文化边缘是一种历史必然。

  四类观点虽然不能代表总体，但可以概括出有关石门教育主要观点。这些观点也许解释了一部分，可是留下不少空白，使人困惑。如果导致教育文化低落的主要因素是经济贫困，那么石门坎从前的经济也很贫困，穷人求学、穷人办学，石门坎文化成就是在贫困地经济基础上取得的。如果政府重视程度是教育发展的关键，20世纪50年代以前石门坎学校一直不是公办学校，政府投入无从谈起；50年代政府接办学校后地方领导一直重视，直到2004年上半年石门民族学校都是全县唯一一所建在农村的县直属学校，优惠政策连续多年，地县政府在石门乡开展的各种扶贫项目也非常多。如果基督教停滞导致石门教育衰退，但是同样在云南贵州乡村另一些少数民族地区，基督教的发展并未带来乡村教育的繁荣。如果苗文的创新改革更加适应时代要求，那么新苗文为何尚未取代老苗文在苗区广泛推广?为什么同一社区经历了这样的文化变迁? 现代教育怎样进入一个贫困社区、又如何生长在这个社区?

    带着对于石门坎教育历史的诸多疑问，我们求教于石门人。在这里听到了石门人的声音，也听到了石门人的沉默。这篇中文专题报告试图记录今天乡村教育的境况，它的历史反差，以及历史对于乡村教育现实的影响。我把少数民族地区教育的发展轨迹，放置到宏观历史演替的时间轴上，同时也放置在一个具体的村落空间中来观察，希望这样的观察具有现代性语境和一定现实意义。

关于调查方法

田野调查的基本方法是研究者——我和助手选择村寨住下来，通过一段时间参与观察和访问收集资料，对社区生活事件进行观察和记录。由于我们想对村庄的生活多一些了解，调查分成两段，一段在2001年夏天，一段在2002年冬天。第一次进入社区时的方法是参与观察和非结构性访问，我们与村里人自由交谈，了解村民生活的多个方面。在第一次调查结束时，我们和苏科寨村民已经建立了良好的友谊。第二次我们扩展了调查的范围和方法，采用一些结构性访问的方法收集定量资料。

    ●助学：调查组进入社区的方式

    有趣的是，我选择社区的过程、方式也许和别的研究者大体相近，但是石门乡年丰社区对于我这个外来人的接受过程和方式很有一些特别之处，村里人称呼我“老师”，尽管我从一开始就告诉大家我不是教师，人们并不改口，而且同我一起进村的助手或者队员，也与我分享此荣誉称号，如马太江老师、杜发春老师、毛家燕老师、靳军老师、赵佩兰老师。其中来由在1 998年初次访问年丰村，我们曾在云炉小学朱老师家的茅草屋中休息，朱老师带我们翻山越岭，走访村寨。不久我和同事们开始帮助一些威宁县乡村贫困孩子读书，最初就有年丰村的三个孩子。孩子们来信称老师，村里人就跟着老师长老师短，给我们定位了。因为这个偶然，调查者获得了一个与乡村教育有关联的身份和角色，回想起来，这个身份比所谓学者或者城市其他职业更加清晰，更加亲近，更加容易让村民接受，我后来进入社区开展调查也从中受益匪浅。

    ●参与观察和非结构性访问

    参与观察和非结构性访问被用于初步进入社区，熟悉社区以及到对问题进行深入的探索的各个阶段。当研究对象的构成成分较复杂时．，参与观察能了解不同人员的情况。按是否拟定标准化的访谈提纲，访问分为结构性访问和非结构性访问。为了把握浅描和深描的分寸，探求当地文化解释，我们并不事先制订严密的理论假设和操作指标，代之以访谈提纲，采用非结构和半结构观察访问。我们和村民之间的交谈方式、提问技巧往往对谈话的深度有显著影响。

  ●个案研究  

  我们把村落中一些见多识广的村民作为个案进行多次访谈。个案研究价值在于从个案全过程的详细描述中，发现重要的变项以及提供有用的范畴，以形成假设，推论总体以及理论建构。个案研究的个体可以是个人，也可以是家庭，组织、社会群体和社区，在本次调查中是村民和家庭。采用参与观察、深度访谈，个人口述和文献研究等方法来搜集资料。个案研究则需要相对长期的时间深入社区，观察影响个案的特有因素和日常生活面貌。访谈记录大部分使用真实姓名，在个别地方为了尊重被访者，对一些访谈者姓名做了技术处理。

  ●结构性访问

第二阶段进人社区时，我增加了一部分结构性访问的内容。对被访者的访问是访问者依照制定好的标准化的访谈问题进行的，获得的资料便于比较和进行量化处理。比如，我们在年丰村进行了一次关于文化程度的摸底调查。在村里邀请了小学教师和几位初中毕业的村民协助，一起调查填表，收集定量资料。如果把结构性访问放在非结构性访问之前来做，那么这种结构性访问可能只停留在浅描里，我们的调查采用相反的顺序，一方面，非结构性访问中基于个案和观察的一些认识得到社区总体的参照映证，另一方面，经过一段时间与村民朝夕相处，建立了信任，后面使用结构性访问方法得到的调查资料就比较可信。

  ●注重当地文化立场

  田野调查中使用社会人类学方法，比如深描，深描是格尔兹发展的方法论概念，主张站在所要研究的文化的立场上体察人类学者本身的文化。人类学者要分析的，正是包括自己在内的、赋予他们世界以意义的人。要求学者的叙述要从所调查地方当地人的角度审视学术观点自身，自己的描述与被描述对象一样，是个符号体系和文化解释，人类学者需要不断探索其中推理和寓意结构。我们在这项调查中，受到人类学扩大人类话语空间这一志向的激励，站在当地文化立场上体察教育现象和文化事实，把以往对石门社区的观点放置到当地村民的视野之中来反省自身。

一

石门，云深不知处

    到了威宁县石门乡，我要选择一个村庄进入。石门乡辖区面积143.5平方公里，现辖1 4个行政村，82个村民组，2001年底辖区统计人口14,793人。石门是一个多民族共同聚居地区，有汉族、彝族、苗族、布依族、蔡家等民族分布，少数民族人口约占总人口27％。为了在这样宽的地域范围内进行深入调查，需要选择更小的社区单位作为调查地。几经商议，我们选择路途较远的年丰村，而不是历史上石门坎所在地荣和村，主要因为荣和村目前是当地的政治经济文化中心、乡政府所在地，集中了政府机关、集市贸易、外来派驻机构等单位。荣和村作为一个村落社区的面貌特征已被削弱，而年丰村在多种意义上还是一个完整的村落社区。

边缘性

    石门乡年丰村是乌蒙山区深处一个少数民族山村。四周环山，高峻严寒，这个社区的地理位置，可以用“远在天边”来形容。这里的位置和距离具有社会差别的意义，对于一个地理空间，不仅使用地图和比例尺去测量，从发展社会学和发展人类学的视角来看，更重要的是用人的身体在这个空间里面的行为需要时间来测量。比如衡量一段路程的远近距离，村民不习惯说多少“公里"多少“米"，而会说“不远，一袋烟功夫"，指的就是距离。在我们住的村庄，村民习惯用“过脚"这个词加上一个时间，即步行的时间来说明地理距离。

    这里用一个表来粗略勾画我们调查社区——年丰村的边缘性。 

所以，“边缘性”可以随着人类交通行为方式的改变而发生变化，距离是一个时间和空间相互作用、并且具有动感的指标。地理位置的边缘性要看对谁而言，我们这些外来人对距离的感知和当地村民不同。如果把当地村民和外界来访者做一个对比，可以清楚地看到，对于使用不同交通工具的不同群体而言，距离远近具有非常不同的时间意义。如果我们寄一封挂号信给年丰村一位村民，他就要去40公里以外另一个乡镇的邮局才能取到。从寄出到收讫，常常需要一个月，这比一位城市居民往返美国欧洲的旅行要花费更多时间。对于这个社区的学生，初中毕业以后再要读书就意味着离开石门乡、出远门，不论是去邻近的乡镇中学、去县城中学或者其；他城市上学，都意味着往返六天的路程，去一个“六天”那么遥远的地方。

    在生态版图上，这个社区原本是边远洪荒之地，位于贵州、云南两省交界，贵州接近川滇最边缘的西北角，古时被称作乌撒蛮的乌蒙山区腹地，其西部、北部靠近云南省昭通市和彝良县。石门乡生态恶劣、稼穑艰难；古来瘴疠之地，贫病交加，生计难；大雾阴雨、沟壑纵深，行路难。石门乡地理状况复杂，山势坡陡土地贫瘠，自然条件恶劣。乡内地形为西南高、东北低。最高处薄刀岭2762米，最低河谷1218米，石门坎即今天乡政府所在地海拔约1900米。海拔落差大、地貌多样，形成凉山、半凉山和河谷之分。

    到了机动车时代，石门乡处在贵州公路网末梢，与云南路网不衔接，退居边缘之边缘。进入2 1世纪，乡村交通仍然羊肠细路，村民往来依旧人背马驮。《石门坎溯源碑》日：  “天荒未破，畴咨冒棘披荆，古径云封，遑恤残山剩水”。借用贵州一位干部的话，威宁是贵州的“西藏”——西部之西，那么石门乡就像威宁的“西部之西”，而年丰村又是石门的“边缘之边”。

    威宁县是贵州最西部的县份，从贵阳到威宁县城360公里，需要一天的车程；石门乡是威宁县西北角最偏远的一个乡，从威宁县城到石门乡政府l40公里，需要一天的车程；而年丰村则是石门乡最边远的一个村，从乡政府到年丰村16公里崎岖山路，我们也需要半天的跋涉，调查者进村，均要接受足痛考验，一位队友甚至把脚趾甲都走脱落了。

    地理位置使这个高山地区经济发展滞缓，严重缺乏有效的公共交通和电信系统。交通条件：全乡只有一条连接省道的40公里断头公路，20世纪70年代才建成。这条县管乡道由于养护差，雨水严重冲刷，路况差，靠临时性修补维持交通。电信条件：石门乡通电晚，电话线路经常不畅通、手机信号弱。尽管上个世纪初石门就开设了邮政代办所，但是2 l世纪初的石门乡却没有邮电所、缺乏邮递员。

    地理位置边缘，经济地位边缘，在21世纪初的今天，石门乡仍然是国家重点扶贫开发县威宁县之最贫困的乡之一，毕节地区、威宁县政府机关、香港乐施会等民间公益组织长期在石门乡实施了多项扶贫计划。

    年丰村的土地面积和人口居石门乡各行政村第二位，2001年入口1668人，人口数量为全乡人口数量的11％。年丰村作为行政村，有10个村民组，村寨之间相隔2至5公里，高低错落，分布在几座山上。10个村寨中，包括3个汉族村寨、1个纯苗族村寨，其余均为苗族、彝族、汉族、布依族共同居住的村寨。

    年丰村在组织结构上具有社区完整性，村里有一所初级小学、一所教堂、一个村委会，以及两个民间组织(教会组织和社区扶贫组织)。我们选择了这个村比较居中的一个自然村住下来，它的传统地名叫苏科寨。我们寻访的足迹不限于这个村，涉及到周围十多个村寨的范围，它们共同构成了一个经济和文化意义上的共同体。

    年丰村经济结构在石门乡有一定的代表性。这个村长期以来保持以旱地农业和畜牧业为主的经济结构，无论集体或个人都没有兴办过工矿企业，村民主要经济活动是以家庭为单位的种植和养殖。人均耕地面积1．3亩，农作物品种比较单一：种植业以玉米、土豆为主要粮食品种，荞麦、豆类和部分蔬菜为辅助品种，烤烟、辣椒是主要经济作物，畜产品种也是西南山区常见的牛、羊、猪、马和家禽。200 1年乡政府统计年丰村人均年收人500元，处于当年农村贫困线的临界水平。

文化地理

    在文化版图上石门坎曾是茅塞未开的苗族村落。苗语称石门坎为“卯岭南”，苗文写作“hmaob lis naf”，有两种主要解释：一说意为像岭南那么兴旺的苗族居住地；另一说为从利亚那搬迁来的苗家，二者都寄寓对好生活的向往。苗族苦难数千年，迁到黔西北、滇东北的一支称大花苗，栖身在彝族土目的地盘上，刀耕火种，受土目和官府的歧视盘剥，被官府划为尚未教化的“生苗"。处于半农奴半奴隶境地。迁来石门坎时，大花苗是汉字文盲、汉语语盲和数字数盲。

    如果粗略浏览威宁县志，便可知历史上威宁县曾经隶属过川、滇、黔三省的管辖。令人难以置信的是，石门坎，这个在任何一份中国政区图上都难以找到的小地方，在我国西南少数民族文化教育史上占有举世瞩目的地位，并且成为西方文化与东方文化、汉族文化与当地少数民族文化互相交融的焦点地区。

    石门坎近百年历史令人叹为观止：这个从物质角度观察近乎“炼狱"的地方，在文化视野中别有一番景致，这里曾经是文化“圣地”，一个蛮荒不驯的小村落，异军突起，带领苗族和周边川滇黔十多个县少数民族扫除文盲，勃兴教育，风云叱咤，成为西南苗族最高文化区。关于石门坎教育和卫生事业的成就，文献上记载着许多个第一。

  创制苗文，结束了苗族无母语文字的历史；

  创办乌蒙山区第一所苗民小学；建威宁县第一所中学；

  培养出苗族历史上第一位博士；

  在中国首倡和实践双语教学；开中国近代男女同校先河；

  倡导民间体育运动；

  创建乌蒙山区第一个西医医院；建中国第一所苗民医院；

  乌蒙山区第一个接种牛痘疫苗预防天花的地方；创办中国西部最早的麻风病院。

  石门坎在20世纪前半期迅速成长为一个乡村教育中心，并且建立起一个影响遍及川、滇、黔三省交界地区十几个县的乡村教育体系，培养出一批受过高等教育的少数民族知识分子，甚至还培养出两位博士。石门坎在一个极其薄弱的经济基础上，当地的教育、文化、医疗卫生事业得以起步、发展，逐步发育出一套开放的、多层次的基础教育体系和医疗卫生体系，社会影响深远。这里的苗族教育和文化发展成就，在当时的西南少数民族地区“实系首屈一指[35]”。据威宁县民族志记载，直到20世纪50年代初，苗族地区教育仍执本地教育牛耳[36]。半个多世纪之后，石门乡农村基础教育现状如何?在普及九年义务教育的文化地图上，石门乡是处于中心还是边缘?

二

村民的教育程度

  问及乡村教育发展状况，当地教育部门向我们提供了一些工作数据：针对人口的数据，比如文盲率、文化程度；针对在校生或学龄人口的数据，比如入学率、巩固率、升学率。

  威宁县教育局提供了普及初等义务教育工作的情况报告，一系列统计数据勾画出全县的初等教育工作进展和普及水平。2000年，全县适龄童146 555人，已入学142 309人，适龄儿童入学率97.41％，其中适龄女儿童70 420人，已入学67 905人，入学率96.78％，少数民族适龄儿童35 397人，已人学34 322人，人学率96.96％。上学年在校小学生143 366人，辍学2414人，辍学率1.68%；小学毕业生毕业率90％。2001年，小学在校生169 896人；初级中学在校生2045人；完全中学／职业高中在校生1571人。全县中小学生193512人，全县适龄儿童入学率97.18％，其中女童人学率95.97％，年辍学率3.11％。15周岁人口2000年18583人，受完初等教育15197人，完成率82.03％，15周岁文盲率1.63％。全县青壮年非文盲率[37]2000年达到96.1 7％，2001年达到95％。

  在石门乡了解乡村教育发展现状时候，我们看到了很接近的统计值同时也看见了统计数据尚未反映出来的差距。石门乡在通过普六验收的2001年，根据教育部门统计，全乡共有中小学11所，其中初级中学一所，公办小学2所，民办8所。在校生人2235人，适龄儿童入学率达96％。从乡政府4年前的一份工作总结上，我们看见乡干部对教育的看法，“石门乡的成人文盲率高达73％，这是科技推广的巨大障碍。整体知识能力的局限性，很难指望科技意识、信息文化意识等现代化观念能有多深入。” 如果数据正确，那么石门乡在这四年基础教育方面取得了明显的进步。但是我们在与乡干部座谈时，干部们根据常年基层工作经验，估计200 1年实际入学率大致为75％，接近4年前的水平。

村民接受国家教育的程度

  村民的教育程度如何?年丰村这个在全乡中等水平的村庄，能否对石门乡基础教育发展状况作出一个说明?由于无论县教育局或者乡镇教育辅导站都难以提供我们调查年度的统计数据，我们因此在年丰村进行了一次针对文化程度的概况调查。像在其他地区一样，我们用接受学校教育的年限来测量个人和群体的文化程度，把村民人口划分成高中、初中、小学、文盲这样一个等级序列。因为没有详尽的文献或者历史上的统计资料可考，我们访问了一些年长的村干部，把调查的时间上限追溯到20世纪50年代。虽然，50年代和80年代的数字包含了人们根据记忆模糊估算的成分，我们还是可以观察到年丰村民受教育人口的大致结构变化。表2是初步汇总的结果。

  村民中的文盲数占人口比例持续下降，从50年代的90.1％下降到2001年的26．5％，大约超过总人口的四分之一，不过这里总人口包含了学龄前儿童。如果单算劳动力或成人的不识字率，可能要高得多。

  初中毕业生的人数比例缓慢上升，从50年代的1.6％上升到2001年的7.9％，绝对数增长了15倍，相对数增长了5倍，却只占村民总体的一个较小比例。

  高中毕业生累计20人，平均每1 9—20个家庭1个高中毕业生，属凤毛麟角，非常稀少。

小学毕业人数处于波动和不稳定状态，50年代到80年代人口比例上升，但是80年代到2001年，所占人口比例甚至低于50年代水平。

  概况调查的数据初步汇总后，我们意识到存在一些问题，比如调查指标设计的问题，由于我们询问的是“毕业生”，所以记录在案的数据就只是占村民人口比例的一小部分，  “毕业生”几个字竟导致大部分人口被排除在外，这个表就很难反映村民参与国家教育的整体状况。鉴于这种情况，我决定重新进行一次更详尽的调查，测量村民的受教育年限。同时，表1显示各级各类毕业生绝对数量及其占总体比例之少，说明了村民普遍没有完成小学和初中学业的事实，以及村寨中存在为数众多文盲的事实。这样的事实引起了我们的注意。

谁是文盲?性别分析

    于是我们在年丰村进行了面向1 0个村寨全体村民的文化程度调查。这一次，我们测量出每个人的上学年限，这样便于计算不同教育程度。表3说明文化程度在不同性别的比例分布。

    如果根据实际入学年限测量，年丰村村民的总体学历达不到小学毕业水平，尚有60%的人口在初小和初小以下。高中、中专学历的村民仅仅2.2％，初中学历——包括毕业和肄业——的村民只有十分之一。将近60％的村民为小学学历，另外30％的村民属于文盲，家家户户至少有一位文盲。可以说，上学者、初小学历者、高小学历者各占三分之一。在威宁县教育局走访时得知，威宁县政府工作议程中，决定五年之内实现普及九年义务教育的计划目标，已经着手层层安排工作进度和计划指标。从调查结果看来，在年丰村这样的贫困乡村，  “普六"应该继续作为基础教育工作的目标。在仅仅十分之一人口受过初中教育的社区，确定五年之内“普九”的目标很难说是切合实际的。

谁是文盲?来看调查结果，扣除婴幼儿、学龄前儿童人数后，全村仍有420人不识字，其中69％是妇女。妇女构成年丰村文盲人数的主体，一个村寨有1 9位文盲中1 8位是妇女，另一个村寨26位不识字人口，妇女占22位。

年丰村人口的入学年限，呈现十分显著的性别落差，所谓男女平等的教育理念仅仅在小学三年级以前——初小阶段勉强“实现”了，男52.6：女47.4。随着年龄增长，大量女童的学龄终止，高小时期男童女童的入学机会已经拉开将近20％差距。到了初中以及以后的教育阶段中，男性在教育程度为标志的等级结构中，越来越处于优势地位。而在这个向上攀援的阶梯中，女孩的身影越来越稀少，村民中具有高中文化程度的统计值只有2.2％，性别比例为男86.7：女1 3.3，呈现一个性别关系扭曲的受教育结构。

谁是文盲?民族差异

    多民族聚居的年丰村，不同族别的教育程度是否一致?我们分别选取汉族集中聚居的三个村寨数据汇总，以及苗族集中聚居的三个村寨数据汇总，汇总数据两相比较，结果见表4。

    年丰村两个民族的教育行为特点颇为不同：汉族村民的文盲率比少数民族更高，接近一半人口不识字，比苗族村民未上学的人口比例高出26个百分点，文盲人数多出l倍半。除了在高小程度这一栏两个民族的比例相当以外，教育程度的各个阶段，苗族接受学校教育的程度均高于汉族。苗族村寨的初中生是汉族村寨的4倍,苗族村寨的高中生比汉族村寨多6倍。

    那么在不同民族村落里，性别对于上学或者不上学具有什么影响呢?表5分别汇总了苗族村寨与汉族村寨不同性别人口的文化程度。

    的确，在入学的机会上不同民族都存在性别差异，妇女处于弱势，男子处于强势。不过比较之下，汉族村寨的妇女比苗族村寨的妇女处境更弱，苗族寨子的妇女文盲不足三分之一，而汉族妇女中文盲比例超过一半。汉族妇女能够进入初中的比例也大大少于苗族村寨的妇女，仅仅相当于后者的十分之一。

  苗族贫穷而好学，这个现象在整个石门地区很突出、有代表性，我们也从学校老师的谈话中得到证实。石门民族学校吴老师说，在石门地区，少数民族学生求学的积极性比汉族高，少数民族父母培养子女读书的积极性也比汉族父母强，这一现象在西南偏远少数民族地区不是特有的，调查组在云南、贵州其他调查社区的测量都得到了相似结果。村民教育年限调查的结果显示这样一基本事实：村寨中存在为数众多的文盲。村民普遍没有完成小学和初中学业，大部分村民都有中途退学、失学的经历。所谓男女平等的教育理念仅仅实现在小学三年级以前，入学机会的性别落差，呈现一个性别关系扭曲的受教育结构。少数民族求学的积极性比汉族高。

    这样的事实，引起我们对于嵌入乡村社会的教育机构的注意，我们从学校和学生两个方面人手．分析乡村学校的教师和学生、学生家长的依存关系，以及困扰他们各自的问题。

三

学校困境和学生困境

我在石门的笔记本上，记录了当地教育部门介绍的几个工作数据：1998年全乡小学适龄儿童三千多人，在校生只有1300人，据此测算入学率41％。而在石门乡政府对200 1年的工作总结中，报告“全乡‘两基’教育取得较好成绩，适龄儿童入学率保持在目前的90％以上”。据我们对几个贫困乡镇了解，较高的入学率(90％以上)是在“普六"验收的高压政策下达到的，能否持续、持续多久尚难以预料。

    在我们调查的地区，经济贫困是乡村教育普及的主要瓶颈。在尚未出台有效措施疏通这一瓶颈之际，入学率90％还是41％更接近于贫困乡村教育的真实常态?家庭困难是少数民族学生入学率低、失学率高的主要原因，学校收取的各项费用是贫困子弟面前一道高高的门槛。这道门槛后面的学校，是怎样来支撑乡村教育的运行的?

乡村小学；年丰小学

    年丰村有一所初级小学，坐落于苏科寨附近。总共三间石头垒砌的瓦房，南北两间教室，中间一间作教务室。全校两个班：一年级二年级各一个班；100名学生；三位老师。

    年丰村十个村寨的教育重任由一位年长的公办教师和两位年轻的代课教师承担。三位老师清一色苗族，学历均为初中，他们都姓吴，来自苏科寨一个光荣的家族。

    校长吴宗成，56岁，声音洪亮。从60年代开始拿起教鞭，担任过20年代课教师，他在年丰小学小小的讲台上，已经任教三十余年，一代又一代，学生们长大了、成家了，生下的娃娃没过几年，还会送到吴老师门下“发蒙”。老吴老师不论走到哪家哪院，都让人刮目相看。一来因为村里上过学的人，大多数做过他门下的学生。二来他是学校唯一的公办教师，也是村中岗位工资最高的人。每个月500至600元稳定的现金收人，在石门乡这样的贫困地方令许多村民羡慕，在乡村干部的工资因为各种原因不能按时发放的年份，老师们的工资也还是有保障的。 

    但是老吴老师自己明白，操持一个村级小学的困难。目前学生和老师两方面都存在不稳定因素。相形之下，比管理百十来个学生娃娃的功课、提高学生巩固率更让吴老师发愁的事情，是怎么样才能稳定他的教师。

    调查员：村小教师稳定困难吗?

    年丰教师：教师队伍难稳定，主要难在代课老师的收入少。县乡两级拼盘，勉强凑足一个月100元。

    调查员：代课老师的补助标准是多少?

    云炉教师：政府财政拨款补助一个月60元，从1999年到现在没有调整过。没有办法，所以本校决定在杂费当中提取一部分补助，再补助他60，补到120元。石门乡各校不一样，有差距。比如说年丰小学，因为他们杂费少，每一个代课教师大概补助40元左右，在全乡是最低的。

    前几年在这里任教的有一位回乡复员军人，高中文化，很有能力，就是因为耐不住乡村代课教师的低收入，离开学校闯荡市场去了，老吴老师说到这件事，十分无奈。现在任教的两位代课教师中的一个正是自己的儿子，学历低一点，错别字多一点，但是好在他年轻、尽职，朝气蓬勃，朝学生娃娃们面前一站，也能够字正腔圆。

但是小吴老师不知道，身边的父亲正在为他的生计发愁。根据上级安排，年丰小学这样的村寨初小不能独立存在，将归属云炉完全小学统一管理，学校名称改为“云炉小学年丰分校”。与此同步，年丰小学校只剩两名教师编制，老吴老师告诉我，为了办学，自己准备为小吴老师垫付工资。

    第三位吴老师，吴原华，聪明、刚直，他的板书一丝不苟，工作兢兢业业。困扰吴原华老师的问题，就是他已经代课十多年一直不能够转正。不能转正的原因是他缺少师范专科学校的学历。为何当年他没有去读师范专科，一个原因，家里东挪西借凑不出学费，第一个学期就要交l000元；另一个原因，他的肩上还有一个家庭的重量，那时他已经成家，不能够放下妻儿老小的生计去城里脱产读书，要读三年。如果真去了，三年下来可能负的债，就是一个“天文数字”。

    我问村里人，如果小吴老师丢下你们的娃娃不教，像其他年轻人一样外出打工去，多长时间可以挣到l00块?他们说，一个礼拜嘛。

    我问当地干部，如果小吴老师当年拿出那个l000元，有了文凭符合政府条件，现在可以挣到多少工资?他们说，怕有400还是500块吧。

    村民的教育故事背后，就是这样一些推算公式和权衡规则——它是完全不同的推算和权衡：一边是村民个人的生计、家庭的难舍，另一边是教育制度的理性和刚性。假设当年小吴老师跃过了那个1000元的门槛，他今天也许就可以收入400或500元的月薪……这样的一种投入产出计算，可惜小吴老师不会!最终的结果，这位全职的乡村教师十多年来，一直不能够转正。同样的岗位、同样的辛勤付出，一个月只能拿到近百元的微薄薪水。

   在威宁县其他的一些乡镇我们了解到同类现象，在顺利通过贵州省“普六”验收之后，教育部门从加强管理、合理布局出发，鼓励地方部门出台一些收缩政策，比如辞退代课老师、压缩编制以及收缩教学点。教育资源的布局调整也在挤压着村寨小学的生存空间，这是村寨小学教师队伍不稳定的深层原因，它受到教育政策和体制因素的制约。

乡村小学：云炉小学

    年丰村的孩子在苏科寨石头垒砌的小教室里读了两年书，如果想读三年级，就必须转学到云炉小学。

    云炉小学是石门乡四所六年制完全小学之一，位于年丰村南面的新合村。新合村地理位置比年丰村好，它曾经是云炉乡(以前规模较小的乡)政府所在地，目前是云炉管理区所在地。1998年政府得到一笔世界银行拨款，为云炉小学建起两栋二层教学楼，这两座楼至今抢眼夺目，是远近方圆几十里崇山峻岭之中的“高楼大厦"。云炉小学坐落在年丰村通往石门坎方向的山路上，接纳新合村、年丰村的小学生、以及东南方向的高潮村、西南方向河坝村的一部分小学生。

    云炉小学校长朱仁智，苗族，年丰村人。朱校长从容威严、风度严谨，令孩子们肃然起敬。他是我们在石门乡见到的人群中最注重仪表的一位。七年以前他和我们一同跋涉山间、走访学生的时候，身着中山装，衣服不新却很整洁，扣子扣得严严实实的，腰杆笔直如同军人，只有他足下一双草鞋显示着他的苗族身份和使命。在处处泥泞困顿的生活环境里，朱老师的自律风度给我们留下深刻印象。

  云炉小学有一支公办教师为主的教师队伍，1 998年时7位公办教师，2位代课教师。2004年师资力量增强了，教师队伍扩大到11位教师，代课教师4位，中专文化4位。这支队伍的状况怎样呢?下面这段文字是我和老师们的讨论记录。

    调查员：您在云炉小学教书很多年，过去有没有调来外乡的老师?

    教师：原来有，“文化大革命”前有龙街老师在这个地方，“文化大革命”过后都走了。近十年也分过外乡的老师来，他不愿来，太艰苦，不愿来。每年都分过来他们都要求走了。因为云炉又比石门坎要艰苦一些，特别是吃水老火(方言：困难)，都不愿意在。没有街市，买不到蔬菜，所以都不愿来。外地老师最多就是呆一个学年就走了。从1996年以来，分来过5个，一个都没有留下来，这么偏僻的一个山区……

    调查员：我们的师资来源就只是本乡的?

    教师：唉，现在无法，外地进不来，就是只有请本乡代课教师，所以11个教师当中，代课老师4个。7个正规教师6个是老教师，云炉小学教师的年龄平均四十五点几。

    调查员：云炉小学的老师有没有培训机会?

    教师：每一个假期都有，但是代课教师不参加培训，正规教师每个假期基本上轮换培训。

    对于这个乡村完全小学，稳定教师队伍是一个艰巨的目标。更加困扰学校的问题，是控制学生流失、提高巩固率和完学率。

    l 997—1 998学年，学生140人，其中苗族占40％。学生每人每期学费、书杂费60---70元。问题是学生入学率、巩固率、小学完学率比较低。距离学校最近的新合村，适龄学生入学率只有67％，小学完学率不足50％，也就是说，入学儿童中有一半以上在小学阶段逐年流失。2000年前后政府狠抓“普六”验收，入学率一度升高。

    学生和父母对教育的看法、家庭经济情况、学校办学条件(离家远近、教学质量等等)都是影响学生流失的重要原因。朱校长曾经估算了本校的情况，他认为小学生流失原因分四个方面：40％是家长不让读完，很多家长认为七八岁孩子上学只是为了多少学点文化，并不是说要把书读得多好；20---30％是家庭经济困难；10％是学生自己不愿读；20-30％是其他原因。分析其他原因也有意义，比如学校太远，比如在学校发生不愉快，等等。其实这些原因都可能是互相关联的，可能因为家庭困难，或者是路远不安全，家长不让孩子继续读书；可能因为天天翻山太累，有的学生要走10公里的山路才能到学校，孩子年龄太小走不起就渐渐不能坚持来学校了。

乡村中学：石门民族学校

    年丰村的学生完成六年小学教育后，读初中，就要翻山越岭l 6公里，进入石门民族学校，它的前身就是历史上著名的石门坎光华小学和西南边疆威宁石门坎初级中学。

    1952年政府接管了所有的教会学校，在此建立贵州省石门民族中学及石门民族小学，中学是省属直接管辖的民族学校。1982年小学、中学合并为石门民族学校，为地属县管的中小学合一的民族学校。1995年改为县属学校，2004年下半年进一步变为乡管学校，几十年以来，学校级别连续下滑。

    由于长期以来上级主管部门的重视，石门民族学校的校舍设施比之于一般贫困乡村地区的学校的硬件条件要好，但是这所学校也深受学生和教师流失问题困扰。由于调查期间，校长不在，我们对2001--2002年学校的数据难以掌握，但是我们1998年的调查笔记可以有助于勾画一些概貌，向我们介绍情况的是当时任校长的吴善国，毕业于威宁师范专科学校。

    1998年，石门民族学校教师24名，没有大学学历者。公办教师22名，代课教师2名。初中教师10名，大专学历7名，中等师范专科学历2名，高中学历1名。小学教师1 4名，中等师范专科学历l 2名，高中学历1名，初中学历1名。石门民族学校教师青黄不接。

    据吴校长回忆，50年代--70年代，师资力量很强，教学质量很高。学校老师大多来自外省，如四川、云南。在此期间升学率比威宁民族中学还高，外地教师在其中起到了重要作用。  “文革”期间学校的财产损失相当严重，70年代，外地老师陆续调离，随后虽有教师补充，但是教学质量不如从前。80年代后期，又一次大规模的教师外调，70年代后期来的老师相继离开。近年来，外地教师仍在继续离开。90年代是石门民族学校教师严重青黄不接的时期。

    定向培养中专生计划，原本是一项培育本地师资力量的举措。1985一1995年，县民委和县教育局组织定向招中专生，与学生和家长签毕业后定向服务合同，前后签约的大约30人，但考取的学生不履行合同，都不肯来石门工作。所以这项为期10年的努力没有取得预期的效果。

    石门民族学校小学部7个班，初中部3个班，中小学平均每班50人。小学部在校学生357人，其中少数民族177人，占49.6％；初中部147人，其中少数民族7 1人，占48.3％。全校合计，少数民族学生占49.2％，比1 995年的这个比例54.6％有所下降。

  据学校统计，1 997一l 998学年，初一班，52人，初二，49人，初三，36人。可以看出由低年级到高年级学生人数递减。第一学期初中部就有6名学生辍学。1996—1997学年初中部辍学13人，80％是家庭经济困难学生。1996年初中毕业37人，与该班三年前招生时55人对比，初中完学率约为67.3％。1 997年初中毕业36人，三年前招生时也是55人，完学率约为65.5％。  

    小学部的学生入学和巩固情况如何?石门民族学校小学部在校学生357人，其中7—1 2周岁适龄儿童在校生263人，意味着超过四分之一的小学生的就学年龄偏大。表6的同期群数据说明，尽管从在校生总数来看入学率是上升的，但是各个年级的学生稳定程度不同。一年级至三年级的低年级学生相对稳定，而四年级以上的小学生流失情况突出，其中一个班在三年级时有54名学生，到五年级就只剩35名学生。

    吴校长介绍说，在五六十年代，国家对石门民族中学和小学除了拨发正常的教学经费之外，学生的食宿费、书费、学费由政府全包，学生由国家财政实行包吃、包住、包穿，少数民族学生不仅享有人民助学金，而且可以得到书籍文具补助费、服装补助费、医药费等方面的照顾。同时，国家还对民族学校的教师给以优待。但是自从80年代初期以来，就只剩下少量的补助，需要学生家庭开支的数额越来越大。

    石门民族学校初中部升学情况。学生毕业后大部分回村，成绩好的学生报考中专，极少有学生报考高中，因此也就极少考取大学。学生们大多认为高中毕业也考不起大学，读高中没有用。自恢复高考20年来，石门学校的毕业生里顺利踏人大学之门的人数微乎其微。1998年调查记录：1977——1997年20年间石门民族学校的学生，被录取大学的本科生1名、被录取大专院校的学生l0名。2001年调查时我们发现了两名新录取的石门籍大学生，苗汉各一，他们共同的经验是在亲友的帮助下早早离开石门乡，进入县城重点中学，苦读数年，修成正果。

    中专的情况是不是好一些呢，吴善国老师说，石门民族学校毕业的应届中学生考取中专也很难，往往经过复读才考取，而且多是定向培养生，即前面提到的签定毕业后定向服务合同的学生。原因也不是单方面的：一方面学校教学质量低落，毕业生很难与外界竞争；另外中专学校收费越来越高，2001年时中专收费比初中的费用高出6至8倍，使贫困学生继续求学的希望化为泡影。

学生和家庭的困境

  学生生源不稳定，中途流失，是什么原因7

  在年丰村，我们向每个家庭进行询问他们的孩子为什么辍学，绝大多数家长们的回答是“盘不起学费，经济跟不上”。

    学校收费有多高？2001—2002学年，年丰小学生每人每期学费书杂费60元，一个学年120元，在石门乡十多个行政村里面这已经是最低的一道收费门槛。石门民族学校初中部收费标准每人每期约400元。不久后在国家级贫困县的农村学校开始实行一费制，威宁县乡村初中的收费标准进一步下降到每年300元以下。但是，就是这道不算很高的收费门槛，一直有相当多的父母迈不过去，他们为筹措几个孩子的学费不得不负债累累。吴老师们为动员孩子读书，一次一次家访，结果，孩子送过来，钱没送来，这位苏科寨工资最高者的工资只好一次一次贴进去。贴进去多少钱?吴老师自己记不清，别人也说不清。

   赊欠学校收费，这在村级小学可以行得通，因为村级小学扎根在人情浓厚的乡土社会，家长和老师原本都是亲戚或者邻里。可是在更高等级的学校就难办了，越是高等级的学校，越远离熟人社会，学校收费制度的刚性越强，没有多少回旋余地。所以，交不起学费这个名列榜首的原因，实际上是因人而异、因学校而异的6在乡村社区它具有一定弹性，这个弹性的尺度是依靠被我们称为社会网络和社会资本的东西来调节的。

    我们又向每个家庭进行询问他们自己过去为什么辍学，绝大多数家长们的首选回答依然是“盘不起学费，经济跟不上”。

    接下来我请家长们回忆，当年自己读书时，学校每个学期的收费是多少，结果怎样?大多数人回答都是10元上下，年纪越高的家长，回忆的答案数字越小，比如50岁左右的村民会说出2块钱、3块钱这样的收费标准，收费之低令他们自己也感到诧异。

    这时候我再次返回到前面两个提问，问他们自己为什么辍学，问孩子们为什么辍学，于是村民们给出了更多答案，来修正和解释“盘不起”的含义。

    失学和辍学的第一层原因是家庭贫困，交不起学校的收费，这是清楚无疑的，我们在云南、贵州其他贫困社区的调查都证实了这一点。但是家长们对自己辍学的解释却提示我们注意到，即便学校近年收费高，历史上的收费不高，当时村民的流失率还是很高。因此，学费是一个直接的原因，但不是唯一的原因。

    村民的众多回答中，失学和辍学的第二层原因是家庭缺少劳动力，自己或者家人疾病、天灾人祸。不同因素还会交织在一起，决定一个村童的受教育年限。

    这是年丰村前任村长黄进能的求学经历：

    我爹去世得很早，那时候我只有4岁，弟弟有l岁多。说起来笑人，我这丁点文化是和兄弟换来的，为啥我11岁才读书，小的时候老人直接无能为力扶持我读书，只有兄弟一人读，我兄弟又调皮，读一天逃一天，有一天他对我说：  “二哥，来我两个换，你来读书我来给你放牲口，要不你去读一天我去读一天”。我说：“这咋个行，要读，你干脆放牲口我来读书”。我接弟弟的书读了第二册的最后两个月，期末考试还考及格了。读书期间没有留过级，四五年级珠算我一学精通，老师叫我指导全班同学学珠算。初三上学期病了45天转回校，班主任一拉到我的手就哭，说：“你转来了? 你太瘦了，骨头哪根接哪根都看得见”。我说：“病得太虚弱了，盘缠都是同学帮着背来的”。后来跟校长办休学，他没有给办，我就转回来了。

    当经济状况窘迫时，那些多子女同期上学的家庭里面，父母往往对于几个孩子上学或者辍学做出取舍，以求减少经济负担。年长的孩子、女孩子，更容易被取消学习机会。

    那些失学的孩子，除了回家务农以外，还有多少重返学校的机会呢?l998年我们走访年丰村一些失学学生家庭，后来他们成为一项助学计划的第一批学生。

    朱明兴，1998年l 4岁，失学在家，失学之前是初一班级学习委员，十分好学，成绩数一数二。朱明兴家偏远，到石门坎上学，翻山越岭的要过脚走三十多里，一周回家一次。为了给父母省钱，不吃学校食堂，每周背一升包谷或者洋芋自己烧饭。父母年老体弱，母亲因为严重的地氟病已经不能直立。家庭经济来源，与村里多数家庭一样靠天吃饭。人均一亩半旱地，一年缺粮食两三个月。家境贫困，缺乏现金收入、生产资料和劳动力。住两间草房，一头牛八只羊。l 997年全家人平均收入200元，粮食250公斤，难以支持一个初中学生。

    老师们说这个学生不读书太可惜，我们于是送他返回校园。

    2000年朱明兴初中毕业，成绩优秀，考取毕节地区工业学校，一所很好的中专，但是路途遥远、收费高。家里“盘不起，又害羞求人”，再度失学。在初中读书时候，同学们知道他是北京老师资助的学生，自己也很要强和用功，最后却没能出去读书，这种打击和失落非常大。朱明兴心理不适应，一年都缓不过来。朱明兴是个内向的孩子，回家后自己委屈、跟父母怄气。失学后，朱明兴不愿当放羊娃，便去做小工到河坝矿山挖铅锌矿。他本来身体就不结实，井下又缺少劳动保护，工作条件差，人必须躺在地上挖，结果他把身体挖垮了，把自己挖成一张苍白的脸。问他为什么去挖矿，他说要攒钱念书。读中专，一年三千多元的学杂费，他挖矿，得挖到什么时候才够上学?

    我们第二年到年丰村得知此事，决定帮助他联系学校。毕节地区工业学校的颜勇书记了解情况后，立即同意收下这个迟到一年的学生，并且为他减免学费、提供勤工助学的机会，安排周详。这个学生前往毕节读书的路费，是母校的校长老师以及自己的工资都朝不保夕的乡干部凑出来的。

    2001年到2004年，朱明兴成为毕节工业学校优秀学生，在校三年期间获得学校六次嘉奖。

  在黄进能和朱明兴的例子里，可以清楚看出一个年丰村孩子失学的风险和求学的艰难。应该说，大多数乡村学子都没有能够走进中专、高中，或者他们心中向往的学校。在几年之前我们的助学金还只是一些零星的社会资源，是以一种非制度化的方式进入社区的，但是朱明兴们所遭遇的收费门槛却是制度化的、所遭遇的辍学风险是市场化的。如果一个山村孩子拥有足够的勤奋和智力，仅仅因为贫穷就丧失了读书的机会，那么说明乡村教育的制度安排本身出了问题。

四

记忆：石门乡村教育过去的辉煌

    目睹乡村教育在一个薄弱的经济基础上挣扎的同时，听见村民们叹息。我们注意到，村民们在回忆他们老爷爷那一代人的时候才会流露出自豪神情。从中外文献资料中得知，这些贫困村民的先人们曾经创造了辉煌的文化成就。我们愿意寻找这一段教育史的痕迹，经历了近一个世纪的社会变迁和世事风雨，石门人怎么样叙述和记忆那段历史?他们依然信守着一份因由教育而产生的光荣记忆吗?

开教育风气之先的石门学校

    一百年以前，一位名叫柏格理的英国传教士和他的同伴，带着圣经和献身精神，来到这个偏僻山乡，发动了一场影响深远的基督教传播和乡村教育运动。

    柏格理先生(Rev．Samuel Pollard)是中华基督教循道公会西南教区牧师，循道公会属于英国基督教卫斯理公会。柏格理早年因家境贫寒而失学，所以非常重视教育。在主持西南的昭通布道所期间，他就开始把现代教育引入昭通。最初他选择彝族，以云南省昭通作为基地传教，信奉者不多、社会影响不大。1904年的一天，他的布道所来了四位风尘仆仆、形容枯槁的贵州大花苗人，和柏格理建立了深厚友谊。从此贫穷却虔诚的大花苗源源不断涌来，引起昭通贵族的恐慌，以为苗人要造反。苗族的热情给柏格理极大鼓舞，他决意深入苗区。经过一番考察，他把传播福音的根据地转移到偏僻苗区。柏格理牧师得到彝族安土目赠送的一片山坡，1905年(清光绪三十一年)基督教循道公会在石门坎开始传教兴办学校，英国牧师们离开昭通和城市社会，举家住进简陋的“五英镑小屋”，从此生活在山民之中。

    基督教循道公会传人石门坎之前，威宁县、赫章县以及邻县没有一所正规学校。威宁城关小学直到19l7年方才建立，乡村山区仅有少量私塾。“基督教传人后，石门坎光华小学是当时独一无二的正规学校"  (王兴中、明光，l 987)。这所学校是我国第一所苗民小学，1906年开始招收苗族子弟入学。民国初年，学校取名“石门坎光华小学”，推行新式教育。至19l2年已建成学制六年的完全小学，使用国家规定教材。是今天石门民族学校的前身。这所学校男女均收，同校授课，鼓励女童平等接受教育，学者们认为，它是我国近代最早的男女合校的学校，也是我国少数民族地区最早采取双语教育的学校。[38]

    在民间流传的歌曲中，有许多首歌都是关于石门坎教育的记忆，这里记录其中一首《苗家建校读书记事歌》，张有才词曲，李明回忆、唱，杨忠义记录，杨忠信译汉文：

苗家建校读书记事歌

民国以前九年，安顺党先生寻见葛布苗族，向他们传福音，希望各方苗族步入天城里，见苗族太贫困，兄弟姐妹们倍受他人欺凌，他心里很难受，写信募钱来拯救苗族。

    民国以前八年，他让我们下方苗族去昭通，找到了柏先生，爱我如儿女，筹钱修建学校，让我父老青年，要专心读书，全面发奋向前，苗家兄弟决心，除困苦遵柏先生引领。

    民国以前七年，即是蛇年在石门坎建房屋，第二年即马年建在咪咡沟，与天生桥教堂，到了属羊那年建在大坪子，柏先生遭灾难，他为我们苗家吃尽苦头，伤心苦难当。

    亥年直到民国，王先生领苗族学生去读书，要去京城北平学多种知识，来教育咱苗家，可惜社会动荡，艰辛路难行，返回到成都城，就读三年书回石门坎，回来教育苗家。

    到了民国四年，即是兔年学生已有三百多，七月许多学生染上了伤寒，两位先生照料，柏格理染重病，到正月初八，他与苗家诀别，可怜他妻儿女与苗家，柏先生魂归天。

    有王树德先生，张道惠先生邰先生高先生，又有我们顾先生及邵先生，许多苗族老师，团结引领我们，一直到如今，苗家人人需知，共唱这首歌以作纪念，以至千年万载。

  这首歌保留着民歌的叙事风格，歌中通过排列前后人物故事，把乡村教育和宗教传播的过程再现给听众。其中提到的张道惠先生(Rev．H．Parsons)，高志华先生(Rev．H．Goldsworthy)，王树德先生(Rev．W．H．Hudspeth)等均为对石门坎教育发展作出贡献的英国传教士。

  传教士们并非高不可攀，也没有刻意维护师道尊严，至今村民对他们留有亲切印象。年丰村的吴善宇老人回忆说，  “柏格理会讲很多种语言，很喜欢娃娃，又谦虚，来到石门的时候穿一身苗族衣服，讲苗话也讲得很好，他先传教，讲基督教的道理，然后再带领他们去做礼拜，妈妈说他们信教以后就不再去乱拜那些石头、拜水、拜山了，只信上帝教了，信教后苗族就进步了。”能够平等地对待苗族，接近妇孺，这是现代教育成功进入乡村社区的一个因素。

    柏格理夫妇、张道惠夫妇和他们的同伴并为改善苗民社会地位做了大量实际工作，为教区人民特别是贫困苗族的文化教育、医疗卫生事业做出许多开创性贡献。特别由于1915年柏牧师为救护伤寒的村民献出自己生命，这件事震撼民心，赢得了当地贫困苗族的高度崇敬，读书信教人数急剧增加。

    学校学制按照国民政府教育部规定：初级小学四学年，高级小学三学年，秋季招生。

    教学课程以汉语为主，苗文课每星期两节课。起初初小的教材是启蒙读物，如《绘图蒙学》(汉文会话、看图识字)。高年级设有《古文释义》  (千字文、三字经)、百家姓、算术、书法、图画、音乐、圣经课和苗文课，还讲授《四书》、 《五经》。自1911年辛亥革命后，使用国民政府教育部审定新学制共和国国文课本教学。20世纪20至30年代，国文改为国语、算术。高年级加上说话(国音字母)、历史、地理、自然、社会、公民教科书，以及图画、体育、音乐。圣经课不是主科，一个星期两学时，到1936年全部停止[39]。教会也编写辅助性教材，是新式教育内容，西方一些先进的科学文化知识，也得以传播到石门坎这个原本闭塞的地区。

    学校注重教师队伍的建立和扩大。1913年第一批小学生毕业，于是石门坎有了第一批苗族自己的教师，但是新老师学历不足，只能适应初级小学要求。为了培养能胜任高级小学教师，教会便选拔成绩优秀的毕业生到外地读中学，他们尝试送往北京清华中学、四川成都华西协和中学、云南昭通宣道中学等。

    石门办学很有特色，每年学校的体育运动会深受民众欢迎，以至于演变为民俗。老人们还记得l 934年的运动会盛况空前，两万余人参与。比赛时，学生对学生，农民对农民。运动会远近闻名，带动云贵边区体育发展，光华小学的足球和长跑项目每每夺魁，石门坎被称为“贵州足球的摇篮"。每年学校的体育运动会深受民众欢迎，以至于演变为民俗。

    在小学教育取得显著成就之后，1943年光华小学扩建为中学，名称“西南边疆威宁石门坎初级中学"，这是西南苗区第一所中学。

    石门坎成为基督循道公会在西南地区传教、办学和推动乡村建设的大本营，领导一个不断成长壮大的乡村教育体系，我们可以称之为一个“教育社区”。这个社区以石门坎地方为中心，辐射到周围滇黔川三省交界地区近二十个县，如威宁、赫章、毕节、昭通、彝良、镇雄、大关、盐津、永善、水富、绥江、东川、高县、珙县、筠连、叙永等等。在黔西北、滇东北、川南交界处，方圆七八百华里的地区分设支堂和分校。至l 950年前后，这个教育社区率领着川滇黔边区近百所学校，文化版图日益扩大。石门学校毕业了四千多名小学生，数百名高初中及中专生，三十多名大学毕业生，两位博士。

苗文刨制和双语教育

    上个世纪初，苗区同胞大多数人不懂汉语，不识字，不能读念经文。即便到了90年代，威宁县苗族聚居地区6万多人，初步预测有三分之一的苗民不懂汉语文，比如，威宁县对苗族文化中心石门坎地区的调查结果：懂说汉语的，占苗族总人口数的50％，半懂汉语的，占苗族总人口数的30％；一点不懂汉语的，占苗族总人口数的20％[40]。到2002年我们进石门乡调查时，依然有相当数量的村民听不懂汉语，难于直接交流。

    创制苗文，是当年柏格理牧师叩击石门、开辟石门的利器。柏牧师初到石门坎遇到语言障碍，于是拜苗族杨雅各和张武为师，认真学习苗语。白天黑夜形影不离，很快精通苗族语言，为了便于传教，柏格理和汉族知识分子李司提反、钟焕然、苗族知识分子张约翰、王道元、王胜模等人认真研究，几经失败，以拉丁字母为基础，为苗族创立了基本可行、简明易学的拼音文字。在研究苗文时，他们查看了花衣花裙上的花纹和娥赞时的符号后，模仿创制了一些符号。民间称这套文字为“老苗文”，西方文献称之为“坡拉字母”或“波拉德文字”  (Pollard Script)。老苗文的创制是以拉丁字母为主，辅以苗族古老符号创造出来。

    老苗文帮助基督教穿越石门，抵达广大苗区。文字创造中有很多转换，有很多变革、变通，因材旒教．因地制宜的做法。只有这样它才能够很好地跟当地实际结合，被这个地方大花苗所接受。从此凡到石门的牧师和教师，都要求熟悉苗语苗文，用苗文进行教学。石门学校成为中国第一个倡导和实践双语教学的学校。一百年前，能为有史以来从未过文字的一个民族创立文字，据此文字传播本民族的文化和科学知识，堪称创举。1908年，由张道惠牧师主持，先后办了两期苗文训练班，也兼学汉文，每期数月，受训人数达四百余人。以后苗文课正式进入学校的课程设置，每周两学时，教师们用苗文编写《苗族原始读本》，这一教材使用与苗旗日常知识和意识相吻合的内容，容易被苗族接受，老苗文开始推广于云贵川三省边境苗区。1932年，一批苗族学者共同研究，对老苗文加以改革完善。他们用了三年时间，在昭通翻译《新约全书》，并由杨荣新先生带着译稿去上海圣书公会出版。现在这个版本仍然在民间广为流传。

老苗文简明、易接受、应用广，上得教堂，进得学堂，下得草房。运用神奇的老苗文，牧师们翻译了苗文版圣经和赞美诗，学校用它来编写教材，发行苗文报，传播科学知识。苗族学会用它通信记账，作为交往工具。通过乡村学校系统，在滇东北苗语方言区内得到普及，逐渐形成风气，不仅学生，大多数苗族老人、妇女也能用苗族文字朗诵赞美诗和念圣经。1906年木刻制板的苗文启蒙读物问世，19l7年苗文版《新约全书》四福音出版。l932年至1952年，杨荣新、王明基、吴忠烈搜集整理苗文油印版《苗族古歌》28首，王明基、杨荣新搜集整理苗文油印版《苗族巫文化与祭祀》。苗族学者记录大量苗族古歌、民间故事、诗歌谚语，使得这个文字深入苗族社会生活，真正本土化，成为本民族自己的语言文字。

    石门坎苗文曾传遍乌蒙山区，最远传到滇南文山红河地区。借助老苗文，学习汉语汉字、学习科学知识就不再像从前那么困难，云贵川边境苗区许多苗族同胞能通读《平民夜读课本》，据文献记载，乌蒙山区三分之二的苗族由此扫盲。民国时期政府推行民族同化政策，在西南少数民族地区推行汉化教育，很难为苗族群众接受，收效不大，对比之下，石门知识分子创造的“老苗文”辅导教学，用老苗文写具有民族内容的课本。从感情上、习惯上易为苗族群众接受收到了很大的成效。这种有民族特色的教学方法，更科学更合理，对现实中少数民族地区教育仍有启迪。

    50年代后期，国家民委组织专家组对老苗文进行了研究改革，提出以拉丁字母为拼音的新苗文方案，也曾在威宁县石门乡等苗族聚居地区进行试点工作，但是后来由于多次政治运动使得苗文教育停顿，母语是苗语的苗族儿童，入学后就开始学汉文，缺少使用双语教学的过渡期，乡村学校逐渐丢失了双语教学传统。据威宁县教育部门调查，l985年全县高中在校生总数l437人，其中苗族35人，仅仅占苗族人口总数的0.7％。由于小学阶段的学习不巩固，离校后几年又复盲。苗族教育家杨忠德先生指出，“母语思维与汉语文的学习不能适应，这就造成苗族学生小学的入学率、巩固率长期以来比其他民族低下的主要原因”  (杨忠德，l 991)。他认为，如果无视苗族地区的语隔阂，忽视民族语言的社会交际功能和民族文字对本民族儿童的启蒙教育的作用，强行搞一刀切的语言直接过度，严重阻碍苗族语言文字进步和科学文化的提高。

苗族老人的历史观：从奴隶到博士

苗语专家王德光先生，是一位从石门学校毕业走出大山的前辈学者。我们陪伴他回到家乡，村民们都来看望。有一天，他和乡亲们谈古论今之际，得知村里一些年轻人不肯读书、喝酒成瘾，便生发出感慨，于是他用苗族历史观来劝导。

    王德光：  “乡亲们，我们苗家来到土司地方的这一千多年的漫长时间里，前后经过三个阶段，就是原始时代、奴隶时代和博士时代。博士时代是我自己命名的，我认为它是我们这个时代的标志。到现在已经过去了半个多世纪，石门坎的知识分子不但没有增加，反而减少了。这次来，看见家乡父老兄弟姐妹确实贫困，我们心里实在难受。”

“我们要尽可能跟各个民族一起共同进步，听说现在一些年青人爱喝酒，不好好地念书，这样就不妥了，难道你们愿意再次陷入苦难?”[41]

    村民一片沉默。

    王德光：  “世界上没有比我们苗族再苦的民族了。我小时候就知道我们要给地主干活，开始我以为自己是平民，后来才知道自己是奴隶。我翻了字典，知道什么叫奴隶，知道为什么我们被人看不起。这次来，看见家乡的父老兄弟姐妹，看到我们家乡确实非常的贫困，我都感到非常的惭愧。”

    据传说，大概是明朝后期，威宁苗族开始由“戴枷的人”——奴隶变成佃户。直到20世纪40年代，苗族佃户和彝族地主之间仍然存在普遍的依附关系。少年的王德光记得，同样是佃户的几个民族村民之中，只有苗族去给地主干活。后来他意识到，其他民族的地位还没有苗族那么低落，“我们的地位就是奴隶的地位”。[42]

    20世纪初，云南贵州的苗族不通汉话，在教会学校进入苗族地区之前，威宁县苗族中只有三五个人能认一点汉字。其中之一是龙街云贵乡人，姓李。据说他在学校读书时，在教室里是学童；出了教室，汉族孩子便把他当马骑。另一位姓张，黑石镇人，苗家后人称他为“读书爷爷”。他父亲曾为彝族家管事，地主请人教自己家的孩子时，也教这位管事的孩子认了几个字。这位“读书爷爷”可能只有相当于初小的文化[43]。苗族人家都没有土地，租种彝族地主的土地。在基督教传人之后，社会上形成一种不成文的习俗，地主对老师有些敬畏——在当时当地，教师多数时候是牧师或教士。当了老师可以不给地主干活，不会随便被人欺侮。 

    苗族三个阶段进化论，平民的时代，平民进入奴隶时代，奴隶时代走向博士时代，这三个时代的划分概括描述了一个三段论的现代化过程。这个苗族历史三段论提法是王德光先生个人的提法，他把喝酒和读书对立起来——喝酒作为落后文化行为(而不是个人、消费行为)，读书求学作为进步文化行为，从而引发“再一次沦为奴隶”的忧患意识，这一段个人表述中带出来一个关于群体地位的意识和思考逻辑。它不是一个叙事逻辑，而是一个弱势族群的励志逻辑。

  吴善宇是年丰村一位很有学识的老人家，年逾七十，爽快、健谈、言必高声、出口成章。少时读书读到初中，一直学习优秀。曾经担任生产队长、云炉小学校长和威宁县政协委员，熟悉老苗文也了解新苗文。爱读书、喜欢收藏书籍。他一直活跃在年丰村的文化生活中。吴善宇老人常常和我们谈古论今，这里引用一段访谈记录：

    调查员问：  “大叔，苗族是从穷苦人民走向奴隶，又从奴隶走向博士，这句话怎么理解?”

    吴善宇：  “我们苗族从穷苦人民走向奴隶是一个很长的过程，它有一千多年的历史，从奴隶走向博士是只有一百年的历史。也就是信仰基督教以后才爬起来学做人，我们指的单单是威宁这一带苗族，就是人们所命名的大花苗，仅滇东北次方言区的苗族有二十多万人，苗族在宋朝时期就迁移到贵州来了。唐朝时期文化有了发展，是因为有了卜书，那时各种宗教相继进入中国，佛教、基督教、伊斯兰教，佛教是从印度方面传来，耶稣刚刚降生时佛教就已进入了中国，公元七百多年后基督教传入中国，公元804年伊斯兰教才传到中国。宗教开始深入人心以后，人们才认识到中国的落后、守旧，他们相信菩萨是人做的，他不能救人，学好宗教才能学好做人，这时中国宗教文化在逐步上升，一直到孙中山临时大总统推翻清朝统治，孙中山自己也是基督教徒。

    “杨忠德老校长曾经细致收集过一些资料，苗族是从黄河流域，长江到湖南这一带才进入贵州，至今已有32代多人了。因为是由自己的家乡迁到异乡，被其他族的人压迫和歧祝而被沦为穷苦人民这个地位，所在的地方有人摧残：后面有敌人追赶，所以我们回也回不去了，只有在他乡当奴隶住下来，只能任由人家欺凌压榨。因为完全是人家的地，自己没有能插足的地方，依着人家过生活，任凭人家怎样打怎样治，就只有忍，为了自己能生存下去。

    “大概1 903年柏格理和党居仁看到这个民族十分凄惨，才在英国凑集了很多钱，才扶养、提高这边民族的生活状况和文化水平，拯救他们的民族灵魂。……英国人就是这样出了很多钱买了大土目的树子，苗族就出的出力，把树木扛起来送到石门，英国人又请匠人从外面进来起房子，又出钱请老师来教学，汉族老师有李斯提反、王玉洁等，他们培养出了很多人才出来。……只有教会垫底，在国家彻底解放后，威宁这些大花苗才抬起头来，他们有的在省里面，有的在地区，有的在中央，有的在县、乡工作，如果没有教会，地区互相脱离，民族互相排斥，怕我们自己就会完蛋了。……信教后苗族就进步了。因为苗族有了文字，他们读的读书，信的信教，学会了汉语，外面的人来说话也听得懂了。懂文化了，民族也进步了，才敢去赶场，才去串亲戚。”[44]

  如同这两位老人所讲述的那样，在很多苗族的观念里，读书和苗族群体生存之间似乎存在一种强关系。威宁县政府送给我们一本2(300年出版的滇东北次方言苗族歌曲选编》，是由杨忠信等苗族学者收集整理的流传在石门地区的大量苗语歌曲，其中四十多首歌曲都是唤醒民众读书的，比如《读书求生存》、《赶快去读书》、《打铁要本身硬》，这样一些歌曲名称，不约而同地在提示着这个强关系。

    所以对于贫困苗族来说，读书识字，包含着一种超越掌握文字符号本身的重要社会诉求，它与底层社会弱势群体谋求翻身、自由、解放的政治诉求一脉相承。

五

记忆：穷人求学和穷人办学

    光华小学校史的文稿中，这样一段话留给我很深印象：  “石门坎坐落在一个穷山沟，穷山沟里有一所穷学校，穷学校里有一批穷教师，穷教师培养着一群穷孩子。……师生都觉得很充实，不悲观，更不气馁”  (吴善国，2001)。

    是什么使得苗族如此热衷教育?获得城市教育资本的优秀学子为什么主动回乡?难道所谓市场经济规律在这里失灵?

穷人的学校，苗家最高学府

    石门坎教会和学校系统培养出一批优秀的少数民族知识分子。据不完全统计，有华西大学、云南大学、中央大学、蒙藏学校等大专院校毕业和肄业共约三十余人，进入神学院的七人，有两位获得医学博士学位。进入外地中学、中专的大约二百余人，在石门坎初中入学的学生五百多名，培养小学生四千多人。20世纪50年代，这里的尖子学生可以直接推荐到中央民族学院、贵州民族学院。新中国成立后，这些知识分子继续为少数民族的文化教育、卫生或科学事业服务，至今仍有一批石门人才在政府、学校或科研机关任职。

    因此，石门坎学校在村民心目中就是苗家“最高学府”。最难得的是，这个学府建在一个自古来无人知书识字的少数民族地区，是平民学校，更是穷人的学校。

    朱焕章校长编写出版的《滇黔苗民夜读课本))，又称《平民夜读课本》，其中平民教育的内容占了相当的篇幅，作者向苗族疾呼：  “你读书，我读书，大家读书知识高。”该书第一册十四课写道：  “我是农夫我应当读书，你是工匠你应当读书，他是商人他应当读书。学读书学写字，不再做瞎子来做新民。”作者选取了许多古代穷人勤奋读书的故事，启发和鼓励苗族战胜困难，刻苦读书。苗民喜欢这套四册课本，  “手不释卷”  (杨明光，2003)。正是这一套书，带领乌蒙山区三分之二的苗族村民脱盲，摆脱愚昧无知的境况。它通俗浅显，是直接面向穷人的教材。

    学校兴建之初，四方苗族纷纷参与。当时缺乏经费，一时筹措不到足够的资金。然而贫穷苗民极肯牺牲，尽量捐助，“他们来聚会时，每人带一百线钱，这样集腋成裘，一年之间，竟有一千串。此外他们又牺牲时间，派工服役，或挑土，或和泥，或做瓦，或砌墙，或砍树，或填地。大家和衷共济，欢天喜地的工作。不久礼拜堂落成，举行了盛大的辟门典礼。”[45]

    石门人这样回忆，“由通角寨苗族负责护林和砍伐解板，由各地的苗族义务工搬运到石门坎来。在修建校舍中，他们非常积极，夜以继日，不辞辛苦，不惜出力献劳。近在几十里、远则一二百里，长途跋涉……他们对修建学校培养自己子弟，怀着迫切的期望。因此，石门坎光华小学是当时苗族人民用几千年来当牛马做奴隶的伤心泪水，汗水凝结成的。苗家如饥似渴迫切需要文化知识的心情是他人所不能理解的。”[46]这样的文字，石门学校已故校长王绍纲一字一句抄录在笔记本上。

    历史上，苗族特别是西南边区的花苗是一个被统治被压迫的族群，彝族土司和土目是本地区的统治者，清初改土归流后，土目地主仍控制着基层政权和基层经济，剥削榨取，“苗民尽为其佃奴”。汉族晚些迁入，随着明、清两朝中央政府对地方行政管理的加强，汉族人口增长也加快，以自耕农居多。在这个多民族混居的地区，苗族一直与文字无缘，完全被排斥在教育制度和教育系统之外。在外人看来，苗族是最落后的“部落民“。《苗族救星》一书描写了传教士眼中的苗族社会地位和生活状况：

    “文化落后，生活艰困，以致苗民蓬发垢面，短裙赤足，陟冈峦，履荆棘，语言纷歧，风俗庞杂。”[47] 苗民“除纳租土司外，还要为土司服务，例如建筑房屋，供给燃料，猎取野兽，听候差使。如遇丰年，仅可糊口，偶遇歉收，就不免冻馁了。因此，他们的生活，异常困苦，男女赤足，常年忙碌。农事甫毕，立即牧畜，伐树砍柴，以供土司之需要，虽终年勤劳，却尽为土司所享受，所以苗民的生活，大多是困难得很。”  (同上，第42－43页)

    1951年，在教会人员离开、人民政府尚未接管之际，石门坎学校缺少经费十分困难，学校召集各方人士商议，一位学生家长发言：“知识高，益处多，这所学校是我们苗家最高学府，必须好好办起来”。与会者热情发表意见，表示哪怕一把一把捐粮食也要把学校办下去。

深入苗疆，开办完全面向穷人、服务穷人的学校，这个行动顺应了社会底层的花苗族群“如饥似渴迫切需要文化知识”的群体要求，这是现代教育成功进入社区的一个重要因素。

求学故事

    石门坎的教育怎样办起来的，当年学生的切身感受是怎样的?他们怎样求学?

那些为石门坎做出大贡献的教育家、医生、政治家，很多并不真正出生在这赫赫有名、苗家称作卯岭南的村落，石门学生来自远近二十县。这些人出生在另外一些和石门坎一样贫穷的村寨，父母必定听说有个善待苗家的学校，才翻山越岭把年幼的孩子送来发蒙。父母是为孩子也为家庭作一次试探和祈福，自己返回祖祖辈辈的困苦里去，而这孩子则开始了特殊的石门坎人生。

石门坎第一班是初发蒙学生而不是学龄儿童，是具有劳动能力生活自理的成年人，边学苗文边学汉字。很多老人记得这批学生中年龄最大的一个，王西拉，入学时已经年近半百。他没有上学前，素性好饮过量酒，是当地有名的酒鬼，并相信端公神鬼。王西拉在学校彻底改掉酗酒之习，不再相信鬼神。他非常刻苦，孜孜不倦，和青少年同学共同拼比学习，不久掌握了不少汉字，能够畅通无阻、流利地阅读圣经。

    现居昆明的朱爱光先生记得学生生活的生动场景：球场上龙争虎斗，教室内外书声朗朗；树阴下三五成群学生在潜心复习。集会、出操号声响彻山谷，荡扬数公里之外。同时，学生生活又是艰苦的。

    “石门坎这个名字如同一块强有力磁石吸引着方圆百十公里内的各族儿女；远的来自云南禄劝县……背上包谷面要走12到15天，再是东川、大关、威信、四川珙县等，近的如黑石头、四方井、葛布、木槽、大坪子、咪珥沟、奎香等，路程都在一两天。学生都是从家里背粮到学校自己煮吃的，路程近一点的，一两个星期请假回去背，或家长送来；较远一点的，就在老家把粮卖成钱带到石门坎再买，好在学校想得周到，建盖了一栋磨房供师生磨面。”

    “一栋宿舍有三间，每间住10-15人，楼上睡觉，楼下生火煮饭，三五人自成小锅小灶，大家友好相处。菜，学校专门置有小块土地供学生种植。煤，大家到后山去背。包谷饭加红豆酸菜汤，倒也促使大家刻苦读书。

    “冬季，都是单薄衣裤和草鞋，于是上课时有的同学只得提上个手暖木炭火炉；夜间，一床薄羊毛毡半边作垫半边盖，寒冷难眠。夏日，又是那多如牛毛的壁虱咬得难入睡。记得一位军人总结出：一吹熄灯号它就排队出来了!我们也体验到，一进入被窝，它们就发出喳喳信号，呼应而出。”[48]

    王德光老师记得父母如何省吃俭用供自己读书，他的家天生桥离石门坎有七十多里远。

    “我失学三次，初小失学一次，高小失学一次，中学失学一次。在石门坎中学的时候，每隔七天回家，去背一点粮食，然后自己做着吃，下课的时候，自己抱一把柴，自己烧火，搅一点稀饭。但是有一次要考试了时间紧，我和一个同学跟家里带个信说：希望老人从家里

走到租嘎河那里送饭给我们。我们从石门学校跑到那里，两边相遇，然后他们沿原路回家，我们也回学校。跑到那以后，正是河水大，两家老人必须把裤子挽到这里，才能够渡过。等渡过河一看，我老父亲骨瘦如柴，腿这么细，没有吃的，熬够了……我流着眼泪背荞面回学    校。搅点稀饭，一搅呢，都是碎石啊、砂啊，很多。后来才知道是老人去山上打场的时候，去扫那些进到场边边的荞麦粒来磨的面。”[49]

少年王德光曾经三度因贫困失学，第三次失学时，他在一个毛纺厂做小工，被朱焕章校长发现。校长把这个学生和他的父亲请来，要求他一定要回来读书。

“朱校长把老父亲叫去他家，就说：老爷爷，我们这个学校就是给穷学生办的，让德光回来吧。没有学费交也没有关系，没有吃的我们可以想办法。……人呐，苦尽甘来，我们背重担，一定要走到很累，在很累的时候你再休息会觉得舒服。”

    吴善宇老人说：“教会筹集有一部分资金，成绩好的被保送到其他学校，由英国人带起走，用教会的钱来扶持他读书。这样，苗族人才在这些条件中慢慢得到温暖，才爬起来学做人，才走向博士这个过程。如果没有教会，他们是不能上到这些高位置的。”

    随着教会学校的大量创办和开拓经营，苗族在教区内初步具备了一些自我发展的能力，苗族的社会地位有了显著提升。石门坎的学生最初仅为穷困的苗族子弟，以后逐渐扩大到彝族地区，彝族子弟也纷纷来读书。苗族学生一般是在各初级小学毕业后升入石门坎光华小学，光华小学毕业后，成绩优异者升人中学，绝大部分学生仍回家务农。在中学毕业中，又选拔优秀者到外地的大学继续深造。这是苗族有史以来的第一批高级知识分子。

办学故事

    石门坎光华小学自l917年开始，历任校长都是苗族。甚至最令石门人骄傲的吴性纯先生，苗族历史上第一位博士，学成回乡，也在小学执教。博士办乡村小学，也是十分罕见的文化景观。

    吴性纯博士(1878一l979)出生石门乡年丰村苏科寨的贫苦苗家，就是我们进住的村寨。他的成长轨迹：就学于石门坎光华小学、云南昭通宣道中学，由教会资助到四川成都华西协和大学医科深造。品学兼优，l928年取得医学博士学位，他是滇东北次方言区苗族第一位大学生。吴博士回乡创办石门坎平民医院，填补了苗族没有西医空白。他同时兼任光华小学校长，办学出色，既注重课堂教学，也注重素质教育，组织丰富的体育活动，在苗家节日端午节举办盛大的运动会远近闻名，使得原先民间的端午习俗焕然一新。

    吴性纯校长为启发学生刻苦学习，给光华小学校歌谱曲，歌词由赫章县徐宝珊先生创作：

威宁西北乡，邻毗昭阳，看石门高敞，光华校旗树黔疆。

客来自远方，热心乐意渡重洋。

拍七数风琴，吹芦律笙簧，

音克谐兴悠长，齐声高唱大风泱泱。

好男儿当自强，天下一家共乐一堂。

学优长，寻光明，要日就月将。

要学那惜阴大禹，寸昝无荒，

要如何名副其实，为中华之光。

    教育家朱焕章(1903—1956)，出生在龙街镇天生桥金家湾子的佃农家庭。成长轨迹：石门坎光华小学、云南昭通宣道中学，毕业后回到光华小学任教。教会资助，就读于四川成都华西大学教育学。学成回乡，被邀请到云南昭通明诚中学任教导主任。考虑到苗区同胞真正能到城市念书的人太少，因此，他辞去城市的高薪工作，再次返回生活不便、夜无电灯照明的石门坎，栖身与陋室之中，重新过起艰苦的生活。1943年他创办第一所苗族中学，任校长。1946年初当选为国民大会代表，曾往南京参加国民政府召开的国民代表大会。

    后任校长杨忠德回忆建校过程的艰辛说：“朱焕章来石门坎，钱无一文，房无一间，情境非常艰难。我当时是在国立西南师范彝良寸田坝实验小学，因学校停办，就应朱焕章的邀请来石门坎协助他办学校，任教导主任职务。在这种无钱无房的情况下，朱焕章未被这些困难吓倒，他鼓励我们，尽管在生活上困难一点，也要下最大的决心把中学办起来。朱焕章一家八口人，多数时间是洋芋瓜儿当饭。经过不遗余力的准备，我们开始招生了。1943年秋季，我们招收了第一班学生共86名。有了学生，有了教职工，学校虽然非常简陋，但已具雏形，苗族三四十年的愿望实现了，西南边疆私立石门坎初级中学的牌子，也随着出现在石门坎坡上。”

    “l 945至l 946年期间，学校相当困难，收到的一点学费和教会的那点钱，都按家庭人口多少分着维持生活。教职工同学生一样，夜无被盖，寒冬无棉衣，他们穿草鞋，着麻布，饭糠秕，但心情是愉快的。凛冽寒天，冷风刺骨，惟办学之心，教育之责，从未须臾松懈，特别是那远道求学的学生，在校忍饥受饿(有些学生无盐无油，三升苞谷吃一个月)，仍孜孜不倦地学习的精神，更坚定了我们办学的决心。"  《威宁文史资料》第三辑：《西南边疆私立石门坎初级中学的创办及其教学活动》)

    石门学校的教师来源也是开放的，办学初期，由柏格理牧师在昭通聘来的汉族和回族老师任教，共15人。直到10年后培养出一批苗族老师，汉族老师才陆续离开。汉族老师和苗族过着同样清苦的生活，待遇低微。

    自l905年开办至1949年的44年间，石门坎学校从未停办过。即便是1919年与1923年出现大灾荒的年份里，学生入学人数减少，但是学校也照常坚持开课。杨明光先生说，  “学校从未停办的原因，不是教会给教师薪待遇高，相反教师待遇极其低微。”

    吴善宇老人说“那时父亲在石门教书，母亲也跟他一起去，那时候工资太低了，养不活家人。”据杨明光先生回忆，一年只有六块银元，只够当年盐钱，只能解决吃饭问题。老师衣食来源，如果学生多，靠学生缴纳的包谷学费维持，如果学生少，只有靠家中自产的包谷维持。教师尽管享受微待遇，但是有保障，不克扣。因此，教师安心工作，按时开课，风雨无阻，灾年也不间断。

    石门坎发展时期人气兴旺，关键在于，石门坎教育系统不仅是培育人才的摇篮，也是塑造人才的基地。

    当石门坎学校第一批苗族学生小学毕业时，柏格理就决定择优送到大城市深造。1913年石门坎破天荒派一批小“留学生”赴成都，他们毕业后全部回到石门，从此石门有了苗族教师，包括苗族女老师，此后送出去一批批孩子到外面城市接受中等和高等教育。石门学校教师和校长全部由出去深造后再回乡的苗族担任，实现了“以苗教苗”的办学目标。

    不论出生在哪里，许多教育家和知识分子的名字与石门坎紧紧相连，比如吴性纯校长、朱焕章校长、张斐然老师、杨汉先校长、杨忠德校长、汉族老师李司提反、钟焕然先生、刘映三先生，以及我所拜访的张继乔老人、王德光先生、杨明光先生、杨忠信先生和很多远在他乡的人，获得人们长久记忆和尊敬。就社会生命而言，他们本土化了，像生于斯长于斯的石门人一样书写着石门历史，为苗区教育倾心尽力。

    这个“以苗教苗”的人才循环，与今天在西部比比皆是的人才困境形成很大反差：一方面，西部乡村教育仍然在苦苦挣扎；另一方面，人往高处走、孔雀东南飞，在信奉所谓市场经济规律的今天成为人们流行的行为规则，于是一些进入城市接受高等教育的农家子弟迅速地忘却那些挣扎的乡亲，迅速地忘却了自己的由来。而石门的教育行为规则是前赴后继、薪火相传。这个根植于本土、吸收现代教育营养的“以苗教苗”系统，能够吸引本土人才回归、使得外部人才往来无阻。

 六

一个村庄两种教育

与村民的谈话，让我们经常感受到石门地区文化根基的明亮之处。如果用文化发展的眼光观察年丰社区的教育发展的过程，我们发现，用接受现行学校教育的年限来测量和裁夺“文化程度”的方法，具有怎样的局限性。

  当我们这些外来人为当地村民贴上高中、初中、小学、文盲的标签的时候，意味着一个等级序列被刻画出来，这样一种序列得到现代国家教育的支持，向村民昭示着文化权利的等级阶梯。可是我们怎么能用“初中文化”这样简单的统计指标，来为吴善宇老人的知识水平或者“文化程度”定位和贴标签? 我不得不反思辛辛苦苦调查汇总出来的“文化程度统计表”，我们不怀疑统计数据的精确性，而是怀疑数据的真正意义。年丰村的文化人我们还遇见了许多，比较之下找到了一个共同点，就是他们都学习了两种文字——汉文和苗文，都有机会沉浸在汉文化和苗文化之中，因此各自具有两种内涵不同的“文化程度”。

    在村里，两种文字、两个文化的传播各有载体。

    汉字从哪里学来?年丰小学。

    苗文从哪里学来?苏科教堂。    ’

由于乡村学校与乡村教堂共同生长，我们就以这个村落提供的空间，来讨论两种文化在村庄的存在方式和各自面临的一些问题。

学校教育，国家行为

  从年丰小学三位吴老师的故事，到石门民族学校校长的分析，可以看出这个少数民族贫困地区的教育瓶颈，在于师资、在于乡土人才的流失。实际上，乡土人才问题拆开为两个问题：使用乡土人才，吸引外来人才。回顾历史，石门学校的办学经验之一是：送得出去、请得进来、请进来的也留得下来。

    从1913年开始，石门坎学校送优秀小学生外出进修，他们中学毕业后都回到石门坎。苗族同胞有了本民族的老师。不仅如此，还有了苗族女老师，在石门坎学校任教。以后石门坎学校几乎都是从这里毕业出去深造而又回到石门坎的苗族知识分子担任教师和校长，其中也包括女教师。1926年毕业于华西大学医科获博士学位的吴性纯继任石门坎学校校长。1935年，朱焕章由华西大学教育系毕业回到石门坎，次年由朱焕章任校长。1938杨汉先毕业于华西大学社会系，回到石门坎继朱焕章校长，杨任不久，朱又继任。柏格理“以苗教苗”的办学机制在20年代就实现了。毕业于石门坎学校而到外省深造的苗族知识分子，绝大多数都能回到石门坎，发展振兴本民族的文化，教育本民族的子弟，尽职尽力。他们在石门坎任教，收入微薄，工作条件差，生活艰苦，但大都乐观、工作勤恳积极。把这批人才稳定吸引在边远村寨的，不是比较经济利益。能够回到贫穷的石门坎来，他们心中自有一种守持的力量。

    现在的石门乡村学校的师资状况：送不出去、请不进来、请进来的也留不下来。贫困山区普及教育的目标与集中管理、提高教学质量的目标存在矛盾。过去威宁教育部门曾经出台一种中专定向招生的政策，学校与家长订合同，鼓励和约束中专生回乡。根据以往十年的推行效果来看，并不成功，城市成为农村教育成果的收割机。1920年乡村教师待遇并不如现在更好，一师一校制为何成为可行做法?这种以本地区本民族的知识分子来发展本乡的教育，今天还有没有现实可能?教育部门有没有更好的引导政策?

    政府对于基础教育的难度和工作能力是否有充分认识?威宁县的“普六”工作，用了14年，达到现在这个程度。现在提出五年“普九”的目标，在贫困学校和学生的困境不能有效缓解的情况下，当地政府提出五年“普九”，这是不是一个切合实际的计划目标?在不切实际的计划下会出现什么局面?运动式“普六”过程的浮夸和虚假再次出现，教育资源的不合理使用再次出现，贫困学生很难从中获益。

以一百年前的石门坎教育史为镜，我们研究它的意义并不在于发出一些今不如惜的感叹，这个社区的历史和今天都能够给我们——乡村教育工作者、政府教育部门的领导和学者们启发，启发我们考虑国家的现代教育应该如何深入社区，如何适应少数民族文化发展的真切需要，如何适应乡村经济发展的需要。

民间教育，生活和信仰传统

老苗文如今安在?

年丰村的苏科寨是一个歌声缭绕的村庄。每周日、周三都能听到歌声从教堂传出，优美动听。苏科教堂，石门乡第一个经过政府宗教部门正式批准的宗教活动场所，成立于1988年10月。教会有受洗教徒200人，慕道友一百多人，坚持定期聚会的苗族、彝族、汉族信教者150人左右，来自石门乡各村寨，以及云南彝良县的一些村寨。教堂原主持杨华祥牧师，调至县城教堂。现由陶进国长老、吴宗全传道和教务管理小组负责管理，管理人员7位，均为年丰村村民。

    苏科寨村民的美丽歌声虽然不是文字，但它是一种特殊语言、一种健康的文化形式，构成贫困村民精神生活的重要组成部分。人们在宗教生活中获得相互倾诉、倾听和表达。这种精神支持力量帮助贫困村民在艰苦环境里生存不息。我们在这里寻找老苗文的行踪。

    为什么寻找?因为它一度消失。这里需要交待一下苗文发展的大致脉络。

    新中国成立后，基督教实行三自政策，与外国教会组织切断了一切关系。在意识形态领域的政策路线影响下，在政治理论和思想宣传口径作用下，基督教和其他宗教的活动都处于停滞萎缩状态。  “文化大革命”期间，民族宗教政策趋于极左，信仰基督教的地方人士受到打击迫害，被关押、判刑，一些苗族人士在政治运动受到冲击。这些事件在石门苗族村民心中造成了很深的伤害。虽然有少数群众仍然偷偷地把信仰活动转入地下，更多的村民放弃了基督教信仰。

苗族文字的发展也受到宗教的影响牵连，老苗文，不幸背上了“帝国主义文化侵略”的黑锅，50年代以后从乡村学校教育中退出。

50年代中期开始，由我国语言学专家带队的少数民族语言调查工作队，深入西南数省苗区进行全国苗语的普查工作，在苗族语言文字科学讨论会上提交苗语方言的划分和创立苗文的问题的报告，提出了新苗文创制方案。[50]

    作为苗语滇东北次方言区标准音所在地，石门乡也曾经参与过几次推广新苗文的工作。威宁县政府198 l至1982年，举办两期一个月的苗语文培训班，学员140人。为滇东北苗族次方言的语言文字的推广培训骨干，他们返校和回到农村后，明确任务，采取多层次，多渠道的培训苗文教师。这一年署寒假期间，威宁农村举办了6期苗文培训班，参加培训的人员达420人。政府重视也采用了行政动员方法，取得一定成绩，一年的工作，普及63个苗文点，参加读苗文的人数六千四百多人，占苗族总人口数的1.25％。1984年至1985年，办起苗文业余夜校51个点，参加读苗文的人数减少为两千四百多人，占苗族总人口数的0.66％；1986年继续下降为42个点，资金短缺，课本奇缺。1988年后农村业余夜校几乎全部垮了[51]。

    老苗文退出课堂，新苗文推广艰难：苗族文字系统变得多元化，也变得不完整。老苗文，以及已经扎根在传统民族文化土壤中的宗教文化，一度成为被排斥的文化符号，停止了生长。要对这些多次被冲击得支离破碎的历史文化遗产，进行继承、整合和发展，面临种种困难。

   循着苏科教堂的歌声，我们找到了老苗文的足迹。

    信教村民每周日、周三晚聚会，活动内容是唱诗、教读圣经及传授宗教知识，同时也教授苗文。老苗文如何回到村民生活中的?

    村民们告诉我们，在1988年政府批准建立苏科寨教堂之前，苏科寨的家庭教会已经自发存在了l 4年。村寨东头杨家那间长满青苔的茅草屋就是他们以前做礼拜的教堂、学习苗文的教室。我们去访问杨国祥老人，也特地探访这“苗文教室”，现在它看上去也如风中残烛。老人家生着病，缩在屋角一个小火炉前取暖，洋芋是他们全家的午饭。青年杨国祥因为爱慕苏科寨姑娘吴善青来到这里安家，几十年后他成为这里老苗文的传播者和基督教复兴的传道者。他帮助村民学习老苗文，给村寨里每个新生的孩子命名。难以想象，“文化大革命”时期，这样一间黯淡的茅草屋里，杨国祥老人带着村民唱赞美诗、读书识字，坚持了多少个夜晚。这样一位和蔼瘦小的老人竟然肩负起文化传承之任，点燃曾经奄奄一息的星星之火。

    我们看见，老苗文并没有销声匿迹，依然顽强生存在苗族社区。  《中国少数民族文字字符总集》记载，老苗文文字创制以来，在贵州省的威宁、赫章、水城、紫云等县和云南省的彝良、大关’、永善、寻甸、楚雄彝族自治州和昆明市近郊等地苗族基督教活动中使用。据20世纪80年代的统计，使用这种苗语的苗族约有25万人，熟悉这种苗文的苗族还有5万人之多[52]。

  苏科教堂吴宗全传道，曾任年丰村副村长，对老苗文有着自己的理解。他相信教会可以帮助老苗文的传播发展。苏科教堂信教群众二百多人，大约60％能够读苗文。15—20位能够粗通读写。苗族教友中有11人比较精通苗文读写，他们大多数是苏科寨人，住在团转附近。如果不信教，这个文字就缺少一种有效的传播的形式，学习苗文需要组织起来。

由于有了杨国祥老人、吴善宇老人、有了陶长老、吴传道和他们的教会，老苗文的种子才能在这个社区生根发芽，渐渐长大，而新苗文的种子，也曾经在这片土地播撒。可惜它更像一位匆匆过客，乘风而至、随风而去。

    我曾经问村民这样的问题：  “你们为什么要去教堂?”

    一位名叫吴天嫒的姑娘回答：  “因为我是苗族，我想学苗文!”这样的回答我们也从吴庆珍、韩建花等许多村民、特别是苗族妇女那里听到。它提示我注意着宗教和文化的现实关系。在苏科教堂，80％虔诚坚持做礼拜的是妇女，这些笃信基督的妇女，个个心灵手巧，都是因为家境贫寒、中途失学，小小年纪就被推到国家教育大门之外。她们的个人遭遇和信教行为之间存在着交互影响，她们的文化选择也与文化传播系统和制度安排是否接纳她们直接相关。

 七

现代教育在贫困社区的嵌入

今天，追逐现代化文明的人们开始反思自己本土文明过程。我们希望考察这个经过现代化洗礼的地方，本土文化中哪些部分生机勃勃，哪些部分已经消失，哪些部分文明的碎片还能够融合到今天的发展进程中?本文的初衷就是把我们面临的乡村教育问题放置在整个现代化的历史中重新考量、重新解读。根据贵州西部这个贫困社区的调查我们提出一些问题供讨论。

为谁办教育

我们在贵州贫困山区的调查中得到这样的认识：乡村基础教育问题不单纯是学校自身问题，实质上是一个现代教育系统如何嵌入贫困社区发展过程的问题。在这样一个发展过程中，教育已经成为人们追求公平性和民主性的手段。

教育不公平不仅表现在学生和家庭支付教育费用能力上的不平等，也表现为教育资源是以不平等的机会进行分配、传递的状态。今天的乡村教育制度还能在何种程度上满足贫困族群的平等要求?国家教育机会的社会不平等格局没有根本性改变。近年来，教育产业化已经成为一种大行其道的策略：学费不合理地高涨，谁想受教育谁出钱购买受教育机会。教育产业化直接导致办学贵族化的倾向，排斥社会弱势群体、增大社会隔离、拉大民族发展差距。以金钱限制导致的不平等，正在使得贫困地区、少数民族地区的贫困孩子失去基础教育的机会。人们批评说，基础教育如果演变成“专为富人安排的一桌宴席”，有悖于发展的公平性和民主性。

    贫困地区乡村教育的许多问题，归结到底要回答一种现代教育如何进入社区并生长于社区这个问题，进入方式的讨论不是资金投入力度和加强教学管理这样技术层面的话题可以替代的。学校如果没有“为谁办教育”的明确定位和目标，办学就可能脱离贫困地区乡村的土壤，不被村民需要和接受。

    反思今天乡村教育，课程内容一方面与乡村生活和生产的需求存在很大距离，另一方面与少数民族的民族文化传统也存在很大距离。课程教材的编制内容包含着城市倾向。我们访问到的石门乡年丰村村民，大部分务农，很少外出。外出打工者经历失败的居多，作为个体他们与城市和市场的打拼碰撞的记忆是消极的。在席卷全国的民工潮中，他们多数不是城市劳务市场的成功者，是被甩到城市市场外面的一群。即便进入城市就业市场，也是收入和地位低微的边缘人，他们的主体意识、生活满意度和成就感是在减少而非增加。

    石门坎时期的教育理念值得继承。当年校长朱焕章要求因贫困失学的学生回来读书，对他说，石门坎学校是“穷人的学校”，这样的办学理念包含着十分鲜明的教育服务对象定位，瓜7天还有多少校长有这样的魄力和胸怀?

    石门历史实践中，学校的课程、教材编写和教法都运用了“自下而上”的方法，即结合村民的生活和语言文化进行创新，对于经济贫困的农民来说，形式主义的文字学习无济于事，结合生活技能的功能性扫盲，其效果不仅适应其文化基础，而且能够满足村民的生活实际需要，学以致用。所以成功的乡村教育并不是对“先进”城市文化的照搬和简单模仿，而是结合村民的生活和语言文化进行创新。

   《威宁彝族回族苗族自治县民族志》记载，建国初期的1952年“按人口比例，要数苗族文化最普及”。60年代后期至“文革"结束，苗族地区部分学校迁入地区、乡所在地，有的保留公办，有的由公办转民办，苗族子女入学率、巩固率低，苗族教育从入学率的减少到质量的下降日益明显。这个变迁过程，除了自然因素，也包括了政策和体制的引导。虽然教育部门会有种种理由支持他们做出这样的政策调整。但是显然，“为谁办教育”的问题被人们搁置、被忽略了。

少数民族的主体性诉求

历史上石门坎苗民教育成功之处，在于学校教育的对象，是处于非常闭塞而文化及其落后的地区的少数民族——苗族同胞。他们主动接近教会、非常渴望享受教育的权力，虔诚地以为有了文化，就能摆脱被奴役的地位。读书增强了他们在本乡本土的主体意识和成就感。

    石门坎学校培养的知识分子主要是布衣子弟，他们勤奋学习之举包含着一种主体意识和民族自觉。值得注意的是，尽管这是教会学校，许多学生最终并不信奉基督教；尽管许多学生不信教，他们对于民族教育具有使命感。在和平时期，毕业学生怀抱这使命回到乡村，办教育、服务乡梓。存战争危难时期民族使命转化为政治操守，保家卫国。许多教育家和知识分子的名字与石门坎紧紧相连，教育行为规则是前赴后继、薪火相传。

    过去流行的一种主导话语称，宗教是精神鸦片，奴役人民。实际上，云贵山区的苗族在接受一定现代教育以后，没有成为宗教神学的奴仆，相反，教会学校培养的绝大多数知识分子走向了反面，成为宗教神学的叛逆。可以说，苗族特别是苗族知识分子也主动地利用了宗教，增强自我发展能力、实现民族自身地位诉求。

    神灵是民众根据自己需要而建构的，不是外来人可以编织的一个神话、一个迷惑人的骗局。在民族宗教演变的小传统里，可以发现接受神学的实践和发展实践的参与性原则不可分，穷人的个人主体性与族群认同意识的明灭不可分。

用马克思的话说，宗教“是被压迫生灵的叹息，是无情世界的感情”，是对“现实苦难的抗议”(《马克思恩格斯选集》第l集第2页)。特别是在贫困地区，在自然界、社会给人们带来更多挫折和苦难的生存环境里，村民自发组织起来，在宗教仪式中表达对挫折和苦难的抗议与叹息，在歌声中寄托对美好生活的希望。换一个角度说，宗教的群众基础，在于它能够使得村民切实感受到有利于自己掌握本民族文化。

由于有这个基础，基督教才能够在环境艰苦的乌蒙山区扎根，现代教育才能够嵌入贫困社区，村民的主体要求才是外来文化的生长点。

石门坎的星星，在天边都看见

在社会学和人类学的意义上，当年柏格理们在石门坎因地制宜、创制苗文、振兴教育，是开启了这个贫困社区通往现代化的一扇大门。这段历史发展和超越了原有的文化规则，具有很强的现代性意义。我认为，这些不仅是柏格理先生个人的成就，更不是他突发奇想，而是和这个地方的花苗民众一起完成的创造之功。石门坎的教育成就，曾经凝聚了多个民族知识分子的共同创造。

石门坎教会之所以成功，也未必照搬照抄了英国循道公会的传统，而是凝聚了多个民族知识分子的共同创造。所以石门坎现象从本质上说是西南边区人民自己的文化成就，石门文化也已经凝聚为当地人民自己的民族文化。既然如此，今天，人们有什么理由不珍惜、不保护、不发扬?

20世纪近半个世纪的时间里，由于政治运动的迷雾，石门坎社区背上了“小香港”、“小台湾”这样的政治黑锅，整体地沉默了。作为一个社区整体性的失语，这在现代历史上是罕见的社会现象。此后，20世纪前半个世纪的文化历史，与苗族传统历史相互叠印，沉淀为这个贫穷社区的一段沉忧隐痛。今天，人们有什么理由要让这段历史继续蒙受不白之冤?

    因由民众多方的支持，石门坎学校的景观一度蔚为可观。从几间简陋的茅屋发展为拥有几十栋整洁明亮建筑的校园。当年校区内整洁，甬道两旁开满鲜花，教室的墙壁粉刷得洁白耀眼，远远看去耳目一新。石门人颇为骄傲，《石门坎溯源碑》曰：“四起栋宇，非斗靡而夸多；别具炉锤，愿超凡以人化”。后人赞叹，“一片荒地，极端经营，竟至崇墉栉比，差别有天地。”今天，这些人文景观还在吗？

石门坎高等学堂，当地称作大教室，它是1 950年以前石门坎学校最大教学楼，石木结构，风格简约但不乏庄重浑厚，也是石门坎最美观的建筑之一，原由英国一位老人家捐赠修建。后因多年失修，大教室木料陈腐、墙壁瓦片破烂不堪。1 998年初笔者初访石门时，大教室刚刚被拆毁，工人们正在挖地基。县政府在原地基上新建了一栋教学楼。一些石门老人闻讯文物被拆毁，痛惜不已，多年以后，年逾古稀的杨明光先生、王德光先生相见时谈到这件事，两人潸然落泪。

    2002年王德光先生返回家乡，在威宁县民宗局召开的座谈会上说，“在天边都看得见石门坎的上空几颗亮亮的星星，谁不跑来!”“杨明光这个老师，一提起这个学校都流泪了，真的，说起来心里很难过。石门坎应该继承我们那些老前辈的文化传统，苗族语言、石门坎那边房子，曾经起到这个作用。我们希望能够按原来的样子把它盖起来。但是最后没有按原来的样子，好多和我一样年老的，都悲伤，都是流泪地看着。不光是苗族，各个民族都到这里来念书啊。这个石门坎不仅是我们苗族文化摇篮，是我们威宁各民族的文化摇篮。”[53]

    石门人称为长房子的一排瓦房，也是目前尚存的石门坎时期老建筑之一，在石门坎教育系统迅速发展时期这里曾经是西南边疆文化中枢指挥部。这座风雨飘摇的建筑能够躲过屡次拆毁的动议、企图，至今屹立，要归功于一位年迈体弱的小学教师朱正华，他一家人默默地守护长房子二十多年，不肯搬出。他的病弱之身，充满使命感。

    朱老师说，“如果我不住在这里，这个长房子估计早都已经塌掉了。我不说我不怕死，我也不需要住高级的房子，要求的是只要安全，我需要它还能住下去。这个门是我补上去的，背丝口烂了，我自己买来补上去的。房子漏了，我向学校反映过，他们都答应过，但是不能马上修。我住不下去，只好自己请小工修一下。椽臂断了，自己出钱买几块板子加上去。”[54]

    调查员：  “您住在这儿是不是出于要保护这房子的目的?”

    朱老师：  “不完全是!这我不会说假话。住在这里，就一定要保护它。我是老师，住这儿的目的就是教书，为了我们石门坎的教育，该做的事我要做。我对校长讲，都是为了办学校。这是老一辈给我们创造下来的，尽管是那么简单的房屋，我们应该维护。”

    杨明光先生感叹：  “推翻旧危房改成今天的教学楼，是没有历史观念。当时为什么不多征求一些人意见?有这笔建筑费，可以把旧危房修复作古迹。”

    缘何老人们为石门人文景观的消失痛惜，他们心目中对于石门老建筑的价值，与当地领导的估量不尽一致。主要分歧在于石门老人重视建筑承载的文化价值，尊为文化“古迹”，主张保护；而当地政府只是把大教室视作‘“危房”，主张拆除、除旧迎新，这样的决策出发点无疑是促进当地教育发展，但是对文物价值、对文化资源的不可再生性缺乏认识。

    在有形的文化资源不可再生地消失之际，当地政府和民众，是否考虑如何保护好现有的其他形式的文化资源?比如苗族文字、比如苗族服饰、比如原来健康多彩的民间文化生活。

    文化是一个社区共同的社会遗产和话语编码，不仅有民族创造和传递的物质产品，还有集体的思想和精神产品与行为方式。在现代化过程中，本土的文化一直经历着与外来文化的长期对话和文化碰撞。石门坎的基督教传播和苗民教育运动提供了一个契机，推动中孱西南边缘的小小村寨融入外部世界，融人中国社会剧烈的社会变迁，即便自己的本土文化后来也被“宏大历史”所撞击和消解!

    社区贫困的原因各不相同，发展的路径也需因地制宜。社区文化传统的类型各不相同，各地现代化的过程也有差异，现代化不存在单一的发展模式。石门坎社区发展的过程是把本地乡土资源与外部现代资源融合增长的过程，这一乡村社区建设贯穿着探索和实践，并且是由当地民众参与的探索和实践。这也许就是石门故事所昭示的现代性意义。

   《石门坎溯源碑))曰：灵宫活石，圣道法门。畏绊脚石，守生命门。屋角首石，天上城门。裂开泉石，牖启心门。

    一位村民从年丰村走到石门坎，接近那里的教堂，一次往返需要一个工日，恪守一种信仰，他需要坚持很多年。一个孩子从年丰村走到石门坎，才能走进初中教室，一次往返一个工日，他需要坚持三年、九百天，需要走完一万四千多公里难走的山路。

    不过，这还不足以衡量石门人和现代化的距离，在一万四千多公里的尽头，他也许能听见群山外面现代社会的喧嚣，但是不知道，他将在那里等候多久。

石门人在这条崎岖山路上前赴后继，走了整整一个世纪。今天，他们回到了现代性的门坎上！

遥望天穹，不见石门星辰，但见石门百年风云。

后记

    这本书写给关注乡村教育和文化发展的人们。笔者试图以一个西南少数民族社区的文化教育的历史变化，为现代化和现代性这样一些宏大叙事提出一个地方性文本，做出一些不同以往的说明。英国萨赛克斯大学拉夫·格里罗教授，中国社会科学院李汉林教授、王德光教授、翁乃群教授、夏光博士，林肯大学艾莉森．刘易斯博士，美国密歇根大学戴瑙玛教授，加拿大布鲁克大学查尔斯. 伯顿教授和我的同事们阅读了部分书稿，与他们的讨论对我启示良多。

    这本书写给关注石门坎历史与现实的人们，无论他们居住在石门坎本土或者远在他乡。贵阳的杨明光先生、昆明的朱爱光先生、威宁的杨忠信老师、英国的张继乔和张绍乔先生，他们细致殷切的通信给予笔者莫大鼓励。石门坎的张德全、王绍纲校长、张国辉先生、吴善宇先生、吴宗全先生、韩建花女士、黄进能先生、杨华明先生、朱仁智校长、朱正华老师和众多乡亲，讲述和回忆了自己的故事，这里引用的虽然不足他们讲述的百分之一，已然使我们得以遥望石门坎百年风云，观察那些曾经的辉煌。很可惜，笔者访问过的张继乔老人离世前没有看见这本书出版，但是，他的目光和那些逝者的期望，留在了书里。

    前面的英文专题研究《石门坎苗民的信仰变迁：社区认同的符号建构》，初成于上世纪90年代末，是笔者在英国求学期间完成的；后面的中文专题研究《石门坎乡村教育兴衰：现代性的嵌入》，则写作于200 1至2004年寒来暑往的田野工作和书案劳动中。

这本书受益于所有和我一起在石门翻山越岭的朋友：杜发春老师、石茂明博士、马太江老师、毛家燕女士、赵佩兰老师、王莎莎女士、靳军老师、郭小克老师和参与调查的队员们。书中的语言是我们一起采集的，图片是一起采集的，石门坎激发着人们探求的愿望。但愿我们继续同行，获得新的发现。

笔者感谢万卷出版公司的丁建新先生、杜凤宝先生和许多员工。是他们的悉心工作，使得这些从深山樵夫茅舍中采摘、从碎片中拼接的记录文字，变化成一道书林中的风景。

沈  红

20005年10月